'Yan Fascist na Bulgarian

'Yan Fascist na Bulgarian
	aspect in a geographic region (en)
Bayanai
Fuskar	Fascism
Ƙasa	Bulgairiya

Matsayin fascism a Bulgaria yana da rikici. Marubutan da yawa sun bayyana cewa bai taba zama Motsi na jama'a ba, ya kasance a gefe a can, kuma ya tabbatar da rashin nasara sosai fiye da jihohin Balkan makwabta.^[1]^[2] Ba wai kawai 'yan Fascist na Bulgaria sun kasance marasa ƙarfi ba, sun rabu kuma ba su da kyakkyawar akidar, amma ra'ayinsu na duniya ya bambanta sosai da na Fascism na Italiya da Nazism na Jamus. Ta haka ne aka cimma yarjejeniya tsakanin masana na Bulgarian da na kasa da kasa cewa al'ummar noma ta Bulgaria da Tsarin mulkin mallaka sun kasance shingen kafin ayyukan fascist da kafa mulkin fascist a kasar, yayin da tsarin siyasa na Bulgaria ya kiyaye dangi.^[3]^[4] Wani ra'ayi na daban shi ne cewa wasu kungiyoyin Bulgarian da ke da mambobi masu yawa, aiki, da kasancewar jama'a sun ci gaba da inganta akidar fascist a ƙarshen shekarun 1930, amma ba su zo mulki ba, kuma ba su shiga cikin gwamnatin kasar ba. A zahiri, ƙungiyoyin fascist ba su karɓi iko a cikin tsarin mulkin kama-karya na sarauta ba, amma ana iya samun maganganun kusa da fascism a cikin manyan masu mulkin Bulgaria na lokacin.

Kodayake tarihin Marxist na Bulgarian ya lakafta lokacin 1935-1944, a matsayin "monarcho-fascism", shekarun 1990 sun ga ƙarshen jayayya tare da koyarwar akidar Marxist, kuma a 1993 ya zo ƙarshen ka'idar cewa fascism na Bulgarian gaskiya ce mai ban mamaki. Tun daga wannan lokacin lakabin "fascism" ya kalubalanci a bayyane daga malaman Bulgarian, amma wannan ya haifar da wani bangare, ga imani mai zurfi cewa fascism bai taɓa kasancewa a Bulgaria ba. Ba tare da la'akari da muhawara ba game da ko akwai fascism a Bulgaria, babu wani masanin tarihi da ya musanta wanzuwar ƙungiyoyin siyasa da ƙungiyoyi masu ra'ayi masu tausayi ga Nazism da fascism. Abin da 'yan Fascist na cikin gida ba su da shi, ya isa ya zama mai mulkin kama karya, da kuma siffar shugaba, ba tare da wanda ba za su iya kalubalantar mulkin kama karya na Tsar Boris ba. Boris duk da haka ya yi nasarar adana tsarin zamantakewar bourgeois, amma ya ji tsoron amfani da waɗannan kungiyoyin ta Jamus, kuma ya yi ƙoƙari ya yi amfani da iko mai ƙarfi a kansu.^[5]

Tarihi

Membobin ƙungiyar ma'aikata ta Yahudawa a Bulgaria (1941). Dukkanin mazajen Yahudawa waɗanda suka kasance 'yan ƙasar Bulgeriya tsakanin shekaru 20 zuwa 46 an ɗauke su a cikin ƙungiyar Construction. Duk da haka, an hana fitar da kusan dukkanin Yahudawa 48,000 na Bulgarian zuwa sansanonin hallaka. Yahudawa daga yankunan Girka da Yugoslav da aka mamaye ("Sabon ƙasashe") sun sami mummunar makoma. Ta wannan hanyar kusan kashi 80% na Yahudawa a yankunan Bulgarian na lokacin sun tsira, yayin da aka fitar da sauran don halakar da Nazis.

Tarihin Marxist na Bulgarian ya lakafta lokacin 1935-1944, a matsayin mulkin mallaka-fascism kuma ya lalata ƙungiyoyin masu adawa da dama na lokacin, saboda mulkin kama-karya Boris III da aka gabatar a 1935, da kuma shiga Bulgaria ga ikon Axis a lokacin WWII. Tsarin mulkin Tsar ya kasance cakuda ra'ayoyin mulkin kama karya, masu ra'ayin mazan jiya da 'Yan Fascist.^[6] Duk da yake a Yamma an dauke shi "mulkin kama-karya na sarauta," a cikin tarihin Marxist an bayyana shi a matsayin "monarcho-fascism". A zahiri fascists a cikin Bulgaria tsakanin yaƙe-yaƙe sun rabu zuwa ƙananan ƙungiyoyi da yawa kamar National Social Movement, Union of Bulgarian National Legions da Ratniks. Ba su iya zama fitattun dakarun siyasa a kasar ba. Kungiyoyin fascist na Bulgarian sun fuskanci matsaloli da ke bambanta burinsu daga wasu abubuwa na ƙungiyoyin siyasa na dama. Ikon lokaci na masu adawa da masu ra'ayin mazan jiya wadanda ke kula da gwamnati daga 1934 zuwa 1944, sun ba da gudummawa ga raunin waɗannan kungiyoyin fascist. Ƙungiyar Jama'a ta Kasa (NSM) da Aleksandar Tsankov ya kafa a matsayin ƙungiyar fascist ta gaske tana karɓar wahayi daga NSDAP kuma ta tashi daga farkon zuwa tsakiyar shekarun 1930. Janar Hristo Lukov ne ya fara motsi na biyu na fascist, Union of Bulgarian National Legions, kuma daga baya ya zama abokin tarayya na NSM, kodayake ya fi tsattsauran ra'ayi. Farfesa Asen Kantardzhiev ne ya kafa ƙungiyar fascist ta uku, Union of the Ratniks. Har ila yau, ya fi kusa da Nazis na Jamus fiye da fascism na Italiya.

Fassara mai tsanani a Bulgaria

Ga masu tsattsauran ra'ayi a Bulgaria bayan faduwar kwaminisanci, kafin juyin mulkin a ranar 9 ga Satumba, 1944, akwai mulkin fascist, kuma 'yan tawaye na kwaminisancin Bulgaria sun wakilci gwagwarmaya kawai don' yanci, wanda ya ƙare a farkon shekara ta 1944. Wannan tsarin almara iri ɗaya yana bin labarin da ya fi dacewa, bisa ga abin da ba a san fascism a Bulgaria ba a lokacin. Tun zuwan sojojin Soviet a watan Satumbar 1944, ƙananan zamantakewar al'umma sun yi amfani da su kuma sun hallaka ƙwararrun al'ummar, don haka sun katse ci gaban tarihin ƙasar.nt.

A lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, Masarautar Bulgaria ta mamaye yankin da ke Arewacin Makidoniya a yau, sannan lardin Yugoslav da ake kira Vardar Banovina, inda aka aiwatar da Manufofin cikin gida na tilasta Serbianisation tun daga Yaƙe-yaƙe na Balkan.^[8] Akwai shaidu, da farko yawan Slavic sun gaishe da sojojin Bulgarian da babbar sha'awa, a matsayin tasirin mulkin Serbia na baya, ^[9] yayin da jin dadin Bulgarian ya mamaye shi. Koyaya, daga baya gwamnatin Bulgarian ta fara manufofin Bulgarianization, sun kafa wasu kungiyoyin matasa da aka yi wahayi zuwa gare su da ra'ayoyin fascist. Ta haka ne ya raba jama'a yayin da aikin ya ci gaba. Tarihin Makidoniya ya ɗauki wannan lokacin a matsayin "aikin fascist na Bulgaria" kuma sun ɗaukaka juriyar kwaminisanci a can wanda ya raunana har zuwa 1943.^[10] Bulgaria ta sauya bangarori a cikin yakin a watan Satumbar 1944, kuma kusan dukkanin wannan yankin sojojin Bulgarian sun tsabtace su daga rundunonin Jamus, wanda jama'ar yankin, sun yarda da kasancewar sojojin Bulgarian a hankali sakamakon ra'ayin Tarayyar nan gaba tsakanin Yugoslavia da Bulgaria wanda aka inganta. ^[11]^[12] Kodayake sojojin Bulgeriya sun kori Jamusawa daga wannan yankin a lokacin, a yau Tarihin Makidoniya ya taka rawar sa.^[13]

Manazarta

↑ Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, (2006). World Fascism: A–K, Volume 1 of World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, Markus Hattstein - Bulgaria, pp. 107–108. ISBN 1576079406.
↑ David D. Roberts (2016). Fascist Interactions: Proposals for a New Approach to Fascism and Its Era, 1919–1945. Berghahn Books, p. 252, ISBN 9781785331312.
↑ In the late 1980s per Bulgarian Marxist historiography if 1920s were increasingly viewed as form a fascist political base, the mid-1930s would still be associated with fascism and its manifestation in Bulgaria. While this categorization was not accepted by Western historians, it was only after the political changes in 1989 that the label "fascism" was openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars and instead, the term "authoritarian regimes" was adopted to denote the country's increasing political centralization in the mid-1920s and, especially, from the mid-1930s. Currently, a consensus has been reached between Bulgarian and international experts who have recognized that Bulgaria's agrarian social structure as well as her monarchic rule were the major barriers towards the infiltration of fascist practices and establishment of fascism in the country...Despite the military coup of 19 May 1934, it is acknowledged that Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism in its leading (governmental) sector up to the very eve of the communist takeover (1944). For more see: Svetla Baloutzova (2011). Demography and Nation: Social Legislation and Population Policy in Bulgaria, Central European University Press, p. 97, ISBN 6155211922.
↑ The Western authorities on fascism categorically deny that a fascist regime ever existed in Bulgaria. For more see: Roumen Daskalov (2011) Debating the Past: Modern Bulgarian History: from Stambolov to Zhivkov, Central European University Press, p. 170, ISBN 6155053006.
↑ Поппетров, Николай. Фашизмът в България. Развитие и прояви. "Кама", 2008. стр. 97-98, ISBN 978-954-9890-92-1.
↑ Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson as ed. (2006) World Fascism: A-K, Volume I, A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, p. 108, ISBN 1576079406.
↑ The question as to whether a Macedonian nation actually existed in the 1940s when the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to recognize one is difficult to answer. Some observers argue that even at this time it was doubtful whether the Slavs of Macedonia considered themselves to be a nationality separate from the Bulgarians (Palmer and King 1971: 199-200). For more see: Loring M. Danforth (1997) The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0691043566.
↑ Crampton, Richard J. (2003). Eastern Europe in the twentieth century–and after. Routledge. p. 20. ISBN 9781134712229.
↑ ...indeed, the incoming Bulgarian troops were hailed as liberators from Serb rule. (Miller 1975; Svolopoulos 1987a; Kotzageorgi-Zymari 2002; Crampton 2008, 258–62; Livanios 2008, 102– 27). Evanthis Hatzivassiliou and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou as ed. in NATO's First Enlargement: A Reassessment, Routledge, 2017, ISBN 113479844X, p. 51.
↑ Sabrina P. Ramet (2006) The Three Yugoslavias: State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2005; Indiana University Press, p. 140, ISBN 0253346568.
↑ Livanios, Dimitris, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939-1949, Oxford University Publishing, 2008, ISBN 0191528722, pp. 118-141.
↑ "By the end of November, almost all of Macedonia and Serbia had been liberated and cleansed of German units. The Bulgarian army is largely responsible for achieving this goal. A military contingent of more than 450,000 troops participated in the campaign. Even though the Bulgarian offensive was undertaken with the cooperation of the Yugoslav Liberation Army, as all observers at the time noted, the latter's forces were absolutely insufficient and without Bulgarian participation, defeating the enemy would have been impossible. Another thing noted at the time was the wholly upright behavior of Bulgarian troops in Macedonia and Serbia. After conquering a given territory, the army turned over control to the new administration that was being formed from the ranks of the Yugoslav opposition. In contradiction to preliminary expectations, it was found that on the whole the local population, especially in urban areas, calmly accepted the Bulgarian military presence in the region. This generally positive attitude was connected to the idea of a future federation between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria that was beginning to be promoted." For more, see Ivaylo Znepolski et al., Bulgaria under Communism, Routledge Histories of Central and Eastern Europe, Routledge, 2018, ISBN 1351244892.
↑ Jozo Tomasevich, War and revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: occupation and collaboration, Stanford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8047-3615-4, pp. 751–752.

[1] Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, (2006). World Fascism: A–K, Volume 1 of World Fascism: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, Markus Hattstein - Bulgaria, pp. 107–108. ISBN 1576079406.

[2] David D. Roberts (2016). Fascist Interactions: Proposals for a New Approach to Fascism and Its Era, 1919–1945. Berghahn Books, p. 252, ISBN 9781785331312.

[3] In the late 1980s per Bulgarian Marxist historiography if 1920s were increasingly viewed as form a fascist political base, the mid-1930s would still be associated with fascism and its manifestation in Bulgaria. While this categorization was not accepted by Western historians, it was only after the political changes in 1989 that the label "fascism" was openly challenged by Bulgarian scholars and instead, the term "authoritarian regimes" was adopted to denote the country's increasing political centralization in the mid-1920s and, especially, from the mid-1930s. Currently, a consensus has been reached between Bulgarian and international experts who have recognized that Bulgaria's agrarian social structure as well as her monarchic rule were the major barriers towards the infiltration of fascist practices and establishment of fascism in the country...Despite the military coup of 19 May 1934, it is acknowledged that Bulgaria's political system preserved a relative pluralism in its leading (governmental) sector up to the very eve of the communist takeover (1944). For more see: Svetla Baloutzova (2011). Demography and Nation: Social Legislation and Population Policy in Bulgaria, Central European University Press, p. 97, ISBN 6155211922.

[4] The Western authorities on fascism categorically deny that a fascist regime ever existed in Bulgaria. For more see: Roumen Daskalov (2011) Debating the Past: Modern Bulgarian History: from Stambolov to Zhivkov, Central European University Press, p. 170, ISBN 6155053006.

[5] Поппетров, Николай. Фашизмът в България. Развитие и прояви. "Кама", 2008. стр. 97-98, ISBN 978-954-9890-92-1.

[6] Fascist parties and organizations never became a mass movement in Bulgaria, but between 1934 and 1944 the country showed a pronounced sympathy for the Axis. For more see: Cyprian Blamires, Paul Jackson as ed. (2006) World Fascism: A-K, Volume I, A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO, p. 108, ISBN 1576079406.

[7] The question as to whether a Macedonian nation actually existed in the 1940s when the Communist Party of Yugoslavia decided to recognize one is difficult to answer. Some observers argue that even at this time it was doubtful whether the Slavs of Macedonia considered themselves to be a nationality separate from the Bulgarians (Palmer and King 1971: 199-200). For more see: Loring M. Danforth (1997) The Macedonian Conflict: Ethnic Nationalism in a Transnational World, Princeton University Press, ISBN 0691043566.

[8] Crampton, Richard J. (2003). Eastern Europe in the twentieth century–and after. Routledge. p. 20. ISBN 9781134712229.

[9] ...indeed, the incoming Bulgarian troops were hailed as liberators from Serb rule. (Miller 1975; Svolopoulos 1987a; Kotzageorgi-Zymari 2002; Crampton 2008, 258–62; Livanios 2008, 102– 27). Evanthis Hatzivassiliou and Dimitrios Triantaphyllou as ed. in NATO's First Enlargement: A Reassessment, Routledge, 2017, ISBN 113479844X, p. 51.

[10] Sabrina P. Ramet (2006) The Three Yugoslavias: State-building and Legitimation, 1918-2005; Indiana University Press, p. 140, ISBN 0253346568.

[11] Livanios, Dimitris, The Macedonian Question: Britain and the Southern Balkans 1939-1949, Oxford University Publishing, 2008, ISBN 0191528722, pp. 118-141.

[12] "By the end of November, almost all of Macedonia and Serbia had been liberated and cleansed of German units. The Bulgarian army is largely responsible for achieving this goal. A military contingent of more than 450,000 troops participated in the campaign. Even though the Bulgarian offensive was undertaken with the cooperation of the Yugoslav Liberation Army, as all observers at the time noted, the latter's forces were absolutely insufficient and without Bulgarian participation, defeating the enemy would have been impossible. Another thing noted at the time was the wholly upright behavior of Bulgarian troops in Macedonia and Serbia. After conquering a given territory, the army turned over control to the new administration that was being formed from the ranks of the Yugoslav opposition. In contradiction to preliminary expectations, it was found that on the whole the local population, especially in urban areas, calmly accepted the Bulgarian military presence in the region. This generally positive attitude was connected to the idea of a future federation between Yugoslavia and Bulgaria that was beginning to be promoted." For more, see Ivaylo Znepolski et al., Bulgaria under Communism, Routledge Histories of Central and Eastern Europe, Routledge, 2018, ISBN 1351244892.

[13] Jozo Tomasevich, War and revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: occupation and collaboration, Stanford University Press, 2001, ISBN 0-8047-3615-4, pp. 751–752.

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