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'Yancin Dan Adam a Indiya

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.

  

Hakkokin dan Adam a Indiya lamari ne mai sarkakkiya saboda girman kasar da yawan al'ummarta da kuma al'adunta daban-daban, duk da matsayinta a matsayin jamhuriya mafi girma a duniya mai cin gashin kanta, wacce ba ruwanmu da addini, mai ra'ayin gurguzu. Kundin tsarin mulkin Indiya ya tanadi hakki na asali, wadanda suka hada da 'yancin yin addini, 'yancin fadin albarkacin baki, da kuma raba bangaren zartarwa da shari'a da 'yancin motsi a cikin kasa da waje. Haka kuma kasar tana da bangaren shari'a mai zaman kansa. da kuma hukumomi don bincika batutuwan haƙƙin ɗan adam. [1]

Rahoton na 2016 na Human Rights Watch ya yarda da wuraren da aka ambata a sama amma ya bayyana cewa Indiya tana da "matsalolin 'yancin ɗan adam. Ƙungiyoyin jama'a suna fuskantar tursasawa da kuma masu sukar gwamnati suna fuskantar tursasawa da kuma kararraki. An kai hari kan 'yancin fadin albarkacin baki daga jihar da kuma kungiyoyin masu sha'awa. Musulmi da Kirista 'yan tsiraru suna zargin hukumomi da rashin yin isa don kare hakkinsu. Gwamnati har yanzu ba za ta ba da izini ga jami'an tsaro ba. zagi."[2]

Tarihin abubuwan da suka faru

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1950 Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Indiya ya kafa jamhuriya mai mulkin demokraɗiyya mai cin gashin kanta tare da ikon mallakar manya na duniya. Sashe na 3 na Kundin Tsarin Mulki ya ƙunshi Dokar Hakki na asali wanda Kotun Koli da Kotun Kolai za su iya aiwatar da shi. Har ila yau, yana samar da ajiya ga sassan da ba su da kyau a cikin ilimi, aiki da wakilcin siyasa.
1952 Ayyukan kabilun masu aikata laifuka da gwamnati ta soke, tsoffin "kabilun masu laifi" da aka rarraba a matsayin "an nuna" da Dokar Masu Laifi ta Al'ada (1952) da aka kafa.
1955 Dokar Untouchability (Laifuka), 1955. Gyaran dokar iyali game da Hindu yana ba da ƙarin haƙƙoƙi ga matan Hindu.
1958 Dokar Sojoji (Ƙarfin Musamman), 1958[3]
1973 Kotun Koli ta Indiya ta yanke hukunci a cikin Shari'ar Kesavananda Bharati cewa tsarin Kundin Tsarin Mulki (ciki har da haƙƙoƙi masu yawa) ba za a iya canza shi ta hanyar gyaran kundin tsarin mulki ba.
1975–1977 Yanayin Gaggawa a Indiya. Ana cin zarafin haƙƙoƙi masu yawa.
1978 SC ta yi mulki a cikin Menaka Gandhi v. Union of India cewa ba za a iya dakatar da haƙƙin rayuwa a ƙarƙashin Mataki na 21 na Kundin Tsarin Mulki ba har ma a cikin gaggawa.
1978 Dokar Tsaron Jama'a ta Jammu da Kashmir, 1978
1984 Operation Blue Star da kuma rikice-rikicen da suka biyo baya na 1984 Anti-SikhRikicin adawa da Sikh na 1984
1984 2006 Rashin shari'a a Punjab ta 'yan sanda
1985–1986 Shari'ar Shah Bano, inda Kotun Koli ta amince da haƙƙin mace musulma na kulawa a kan kisan aure, ta haifar da zanga-zanga daga malaman musulmi. Don soke shawarar Kotun Koli, gwamnatin Rajiv Gandhi ta kafa Dokar Mata Musulmi (Kariya ga 'Yancin Kisan aure) ta 1986Dokar Mata Musulmi (Kariya ga 'Yancin kan Kisan aure) 1986
1987 Kisan kiyashi na Hashimpura a lokacin tashin hankali a Meerut.
1989 Dokar Shirin da Shirin Ƙabilar (Kariya ga Ayyuka), 1989 an wuce ta.
1989–present Rikicin Kashmiri ya ga tsarkake kabilanci na Kashmiri Pandits, lalata haikalin Hindu, kashe Hindu da Sikhs, da kuma sace masu yawon bude ido na kasashen waje da ma'aikatan gwamnati. (Dubi: Tsabtace kabilanci na Hindu na Kashmiri)
1992 Wani gyare-gyare na kundin tsarin mulki ya kafa Gwamnatin Gida (Panchayati Raj) a matsayin mataki na uku na shugabanci a matakin ƙauyen, tare da kashi ɗaya bisa uku na kujerun da aka tanada ga mata. An samar da ajiya ga kabilun da aka tsara.
1992 Rushewar Babri Masjid ya faru ne bayan wani taron siyasa a shafin ya zama tashin hankali.
1993 An kafa Hukumar Kare Hakkin Dan Adam ta Kasa a karkashin Dokar Kare Hakkin Dan Adam .
2001 Kotun Koli ta ba da umarni masu yawa don aiwatar da haƙƙin abinci.[4]
2002 2002 Gujarat riots wanda ya yi sanadin rayukan Musulmai da Hindu aƙalla dubu.
2005 An zartar da Dokar Hakkin Bayani mai ƙarfi don ba da damar ɗan ƙasa ga bayanan da hukumomin gwamnati ke riƙewa.[5]
2005 Dokar Tabbatar da Aiki ta Ƙauyuka ta Kasa (NREGA) ta tabbatar da haƙƙin aiki na duniya.
2006 Kotun Koli ta ba da umarnin sauye-sauyen 'yan sanda don mayar da martani ga rikodin haƙƙin ɗan adam mara kyau na' yan sanda na Indiya.
2009 Babban Kotun Delhi ta bayyana cewa Sashe na 377 na Dokar Shari'a ta Indiya, wanda ya haramta kewayon ayyukan jima'i "marasa kyau", ba bisa ka'ida ba ne lokacin da aka yi amfani da shi ga ayyukan ɗan luwaɗi tsakanin masu zaman kansu, yadda ya kamata ya kawar da dangantakar ɗan luwaɗi a Indiya. Dubi kuma: Lallafi a Indiya.
2013 Dokar Laifuka (Gwamma) ta wuce ta Lok Sabha a ranar 19 ga Maris 2013, kuma ta Rajya Sabha a kan 21 ga Maris 2013, wanda ke ba da gyare-gyare na Dokar Shari'ar Indiya, Dokar Shari'a ta Indiya, da Dokar Shari'a, 1973 kan dokokin da suka shafi Laifukan jima'i.
2015 Black Money (Unclosed Foreign Income and Assets) da Dokar Haraji ta wuce duka gidajen majalisar. Wannan aikin yana da niyyar hana baƙar fata, ko dukiyar kasashen waje da ba a bayyana ba kuma yana sanya haraji da hukunci a kan irin wannan kudin shiga.

'Yancin Jama'a

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  A cikin 2021, Gidan Freedom House da ke Amurka ya sanya Indiya a matsayin wani yanki mai 'yanci, a maki 67 (0-100, mafi girma ya fi kyau), a cikin 'Yanci na Duniya na shekara-shekara kan 'yancin siyasa da 'yancin ɗan adam.[6]

Tun daga shekara ta 2019 zuwa 2023, rahotanni na shekara-shekara kan yanayin dimokiradiyya a duniya Cibiyar V-Dem ta Sweden ta ware Indiya a matsayin mulkin cin gashin kai na zabe saboda "takaice a bangarori da yawa na dimokiradiyya" kamar kungiyoyin farar hula da 'yancin fadin albarkacin baki.[7][8] Rahoton na 2023 ya bayyana cewa, "Tsarin mulkin kama karya da alama ya ragu sosai ko ma ya tsaya a Indiya amma bayan ya koma cin gashin kansa." Indiya a baya an rarraba ta a matsayin dimokuradiyya har zuwa 2018.[9][10]

Amfani da azabtarwa ta 'yan sanda

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Cibiyar kare hakkin dan Adam ta Asiya ta kiyasta cewa daga shekara ta 2002 zuwa 2008, sama da mutane hudu ne ke mutuwa a kowace rana yayin da suke hannun 'yan sanda, tare da "daruruwan" wadanda suka mutu sakamakon azabtarwa da 'yan sanda suka yi. A cewar wani rahoto da cibiyar kula da gyaran fuska ta Punjab ta rubuta, kusan kashi 50% na jami’an ‘yan sanda a kasar na amfani da tabarbarewar jiki ko ta hankali ga fursunoni. Misalan azabtarwa, kamar ta rashin tsafta, sarari, ko ruwa an rubuta su a West Yammacin Bengal.[11]

Wani rahoto daga Kamfen na Kasa na Tsayayya da Torture (NCAT), wata kungiya ta kare hakkin dan adam ta kasa da kasa ta bayyana Mutuwar masu kula da gidaje 1,731 da aka rubuta a Indiya a cikin 2019. Wadanda abin ya shafa galibi sun fito ne daga al'ummomin da ke fama da rauni, Dalits, Musulmai da Adivasis.[12] A cikin shekaru 10 zuwa 2019-2020, Hukumar Kare Hakkokin Dan Adam ta kasa (NHRC) ta ba da rahoton, a matsakaita, shari'o'in 'yan sanda 139 da kuma shari'a 1,576 na tsare shari'a a duk shekara. A cikin shekaru takwas zuwa 2019-2020, NHRC ta ba da rahoton mutuwar fursunonin shari'a sama da 1,500 kowace shekara.

'Yanci na addini

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Rikicin addini

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Ragowar dukiyar coci da aka ƙone a lokacin tashin hankali na kirista a Orissa a watan Agusta 2008

Rikicin al'umma tsakanin kungiyoyin addini (mafi yawa tsakanin mabiya addinin Hindu da musulmi) ya zama ruwan dare a Indiya tun lokacin da ta samu 'yancin kai daga turawan Burtaniya. Rikicin kabilanci ya faru a lokacin raba Indiya tsakanin mabiya addinin Hindu/Sikh da musulmi inda aka kashe mutane da dama a wani kazamin rikici.

Rikicin Anti-Sikh na 1984 ya kasance lokacin kwana huɗu lokacin da aka kashe Sikhs a Indiya. A cewar wasu kimantawa sun bayyana cewa an kashe sama da 2,000. Bincike da kwamitoci daban-daban suka nada ta gwamnati da kungiyoyin farar hula masu zaman kansu sun sami hadin kai daga jam'iyyar Indira Gandhi ta Congress.[13] Sauran abubuwan da suka faru sun haɗa da Kisan kiyashi na Hashimpura na 1987 a lokacin tashin hankali na al'umma a Meerut, inda aka yi zargin cewa mambobi 19 na 'yan sanda na lardin sun harbe matasan Musulmai 42 cikin jini mai sanyi, kuma sun zubar da jikinsu a cikin tashar ban ruwa da ke kusa, 1992 tashin hankali na Bombay da tashin hankali na Delhi na 2020, wanda ya haifar da mutuwar kimanin mutane 53, 36 daga cikinsu Musulmai ne kuma 15 Hindu ne.[14] An yi imanin cewa zanga-zangar ta samo asali ne daga jawabin barazana da kuma ultimatum da Kapil Mishra, ɗan siyasan BJP daga Delhi ya yi wa masu zanga-zambe masu zaman lafiya. Kotun Koli ta Indiya ta zargi 'yan sanda na Delhi da "rashin sana'a" a lokacin tashin hankali na Delhi kuma kai tsaye ta nuna cewa' yan sanda suna jiran Gwamnatin Tsakiya ta Indiya karkashin jagorancin Bharatiya Janata Party don ba su umarni, maimakon yin aiki da kansa da lamiri. A cikin sauraron, Mai Shari'a K.M. Joseph ya ce - "Dubi yadda 'yan sanda ke aiki a Burtaniya. Idan wani ya yi magana mai ban tsoro, sai su shiga aiki. Ba sa jiran umarni. 'Yan sanda kada su nemi a nan da can don nods".[15]

Dangane da kididdigar hukuma, tashin hankali na Gujarat na 2002 ya ƙare tare da mutuwar 1,044 , 223 sun ɓace, kuma 2,500 sun ji rauni. Daga cikin matattu, 790 Musulmai ne da 254 Hindu.[16] Tushen da ba na hukuma ba sun kiyasta cewa har zuwa mutane 2,000 ne suka mutu.[17] Akwai lokuta na fyade, ana ƙone yara da rai, da kuma yaduwar fashi da lalata dukiya. An yi imanin cewa gobarar jirgin kasa na Godhra ne ya haifar da shi, inda aka ƙone mutane 59 (waɗanda galibi suna dawowa daga Ayodhya bayan bikin addini a wurin rushewar Babri Masjid) har suka mutu. Daga baya, yaduwar labarai na karya a cikin jaridu na cikin gida da ke zargin ISI da hannu a cikin hare-haren kuma cewa Musulmai na cikin gida sun yi makirci tare da su, da kuma game da labarun karya na sace da fyade na matan Hindu da Musulmai suka kara tsananta halin da ake ciki. Asusun da yawa sun bayyana hare-haren da za a daidaita su sosai tare da wayoyin hannu kuma gwamnati ta ba da takardu da ke lissafin gidaje da kasuwancin Musulmai. Kodayake an yi kira da yawa ga 'yan sanda daga wadanda abin ya shafa, 'yan sanda sun gaya musu cewa "ba mu da umarni don ceton ku. " A lokuta da yawa,' yan sanda sun jagoranci cajin, ta amfani da bindiga don kashe Musulmai da suka shiga hanyar' yan zanga-zangar. A cewar wani rahoto na Human Rights Watch na shekara ta 2002, an ruwaito cewa wani Babban Minista jihar Bharatiya Janata ya karɓi ɗakunan kula da 'yan sanda a Ahmedabad a ranar farko ta kisan, yana ba da umarni don yin watsi da rokon taimako daga Musulmai. Wasu sassan jaridu na harshen Gujarati a halin yanzu suna buga labaran da aka ƙirƙira da maganganu a bayyane suna kira ga Hindu da su rama hare-haren Godhra. Har ila yau, a lokuta da yawa, a karkashin siffar bayar da taimako, 'yan sanda sun jagoranci wadanda abin ya shafa kai tsaye zuwa hannun masu kisan su. Babban Ministan Gujarat na lokacin, Narendra Modi an wanke shi daga zarge-zargen da kotun yankin ta ɗora masa bisa ga binciken da Kungiyar Bincike ta Musamman ta gudanar. Koyaya, Zakia Jafri ya kalubalanci wannan rahoton, wanda mijinta Ahsan Jafri, tsohon dan siyasa na Majalisa, ya kashe shi da taron jama'a a birnin Ahmedabad. Ms. Jafri ta yi iƙirarin cewa binciken ya bayyana isasshen shaida don nuna Mista Modi da wasu 62. [18] Kotun Koli ta Indiya, daga baya ta ki amincewa da rokon da ke kalubalantar yaudarar da aka ba Modi.[19] Rahoton 2020 na Hukumar Amurka don 'yancin addini ta Duniya ya sanya Indiya a matsayin Kasar Damuwa ta Musamman [20][ana buƙatar hujja]

Batutuwan da suka shafi kabilanci

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Indiya ta zamani ta ga tasirin kabilanci ya fara raguwa. Wannan wani bangare ne na yaduwar ilimi ga dukkan bangarori wanda ya yi tasiri wajen kawo sauyi ga tsarin siyasa. Duk da haka, wannan "daidaita" filin wasa bai kasance ba tare da jayayya ba. Hukumar Mandal da tsarin rabonta ya kasance batu mai mahimmanci musamman. Farfesa Dipankar Gupta ya yi jayayya cewa rawar da 'yan jam'iyyar suka taka a zabukan Indiya ya wuce gona da iri.

A baya-bayan nan an yi ta samun sauye-sauye a siyasar kabilanci, wanda akasari ya haifar da ‘yancin tattalin arziki a Indiya. Wannan yunƙurin ƙarfafa ƙwararrun ƴan ƙabila ya samu rakiyar a wasu yankuna tare da hauhawar matakin cin hanci da rashawa. [21] Dokar tilasta bin doka, da kuma shirye-shiryen ci gaba masu yawa, an yi amfani da su ta hanyar manyan mutane don mamaye ƙananan mutane. [22] [23][24]

Kungiyar kare hakkin bil adama ta Amnesty International ta ce "hakkin gwamnatin Indiya ne ta samar da cikakken aiki tare da aiwatar da tanade-tanaden doka da ta tanada na adawa da wariyar launin fata da zuriyarsu.[25]

Denotified Tribes, tare da da yawa nomadic kabilu tare 60 miliyan a yawan jama'a, ci gaba da fuskantar zamantakewa stigma da kuma tattalin arziki wahalhalu, duk da cewa Criminal Tribes Act 1871, da aka soke da gwamnati a 1952 da kuma maye gurbinsu da Habitual Laifin Dokar (HOA) (1952), kamar yadda yadda ya kamata shi ne kawai ya haifar da sabon jerin sunayen kabilun. a yau suna fuskantar sakamakon 'Rigakafin Anti-Social Activity Act' (PASA), wanda kawai ya kara da gwagwarmayar rayuwa ta yau da kullun yayin da mafi yawansu ke rayuwa a ƙarƙashin layin talauci. Matsayin SC, ST ko OBC, hana su damar yin ajiyar kuɗi wanda zai haɓaka matsayinsu na tattalin arziki da zamantakewa. [26][27][28]

'Yanci na faɗar albarkacin baki

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2025 Ƙididdigar 'Yancin Labarai ta Duniya[29]     
  Good: 85–100 points
  Satisfactory: 70–85 points
  Satisfactory: 70–85 points
  Difficult: 40–55 points
  Very serious <40 points
  Not classified

A cikin 2010, a cewar ƙungiyar masu zaman kansu ta Reporters Without Borders's World Press Freedom Index, Indiya tana matsayi na 122 (ta kasa daga 105th a 2009). Ƙasar tana da maki 38.75 a cikin 2010 (29.33 na 2009) akan sikelin da ke gudana daga 0 (ƙananan kyauta) zuwa 105 (mafi kyauta). [30][31] A shekara ta 2014 Indiya ta sauka zuwa matsayi na 140 a duk duniya (sakamakon 40.34 daga cikin 105) amma duk da haka wannan ya kasance daya daga cikin mafi kyawun maki a yankin.[32]

Kundin tsarin mulkin Indiya, yayin da bai ambaci kalmar "latsa" ba, yana ba da "yancin yin magana da magana" (Mataki na 19 (1) a). Duk da haka wannan haƙƙin yana ƙarƙashin ƙuntatawa a ƙarƙashin ƙaramin sashi (2), wanda za a iya taƙaita wannan 'yancin saboda dalilai na "sarauta da amincin Indiya, tsaron ƙasa, dangantakar abokantaka da ƙasashen waje, tsarin jama'a, kiyaye mutunci, kiyaye ɗabi'a, dangane da raina kotu, cin mutunci, ko tunzura wani laifi". Dokoki irin su dokar sirrin hukuma da dokar hana ta'addanci. [33] (POTA) don iyakance 'yancin' yan jarida. A karkashin POTA, ana iya tsare mutum har zuwa watanni shida kafin a bukaci 'yan sanda su kawo tuhuma kan zarge-zargen da suka shafi ta'addanci. An soke POTA a shekara ta 2004, amma an maye gurbinsa da gyare-gyare ga UAPA.[34] An soke Dokar Asirin hukuma ta 1923 bayan dokar haƙƙin bayanai ta 2005

A farkon rabin karni na farko na samun 'yancin kai, ikon kafofin yada labarai na gwamnati shine babban abin da ke hana 'yancin 'yan jarida. Indira Gandhi ya bayyana a cikin 1975 cewa Duk Gidan Rediyon Indiya "Gwamnati ce, za ta ci gaba da zama sashin gwamnati".[35]

Tare da samun sassaucin ra'ayi wanda ya fara a cikin 1990s, ikon mallakar kafofin watsa labarai na sirri ya bunƙasa, wanda ya haifar da haɓaka 'yancin kai da ƙarin binciken gwamnati.

Kungiyoyi kamar Tehelka da NDTV sun taka rawa musamman wajen kawo murabus din ministan Haryana Venod Sharma. Bugu da kari, dokokin kamar Prasar Bharati dokar da aka zartar a cikin 'yan shekarun nan suna ba da gudummawa sosai wajen rage ikon da gwamnati ke kula da 'yan jaridu.

Hakkin LGBTQ

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Har sai Kotun Koli ta Delhi ta haramta ayyukan jima'i na sirri tsakanin manya masu yarda a ranar 2 ga Yulin 2009, an dauki luwadi a matsayin laifi kamar yadda fassarorin Sashe na 377 na Dokar Shari'ar Indiya mai shekaru 150 (IPC), dokar da Gwamnatin mulkin mallaka ta Burtaniya ta zartar. Koyaya, wannan doka ba a aiwatar da ita sosai ba. A cikin hukunce-hukuncen da ya yanke na kawar da luwadi, Babban Kotun Delhi ta lura cewa akwai dokar da ta saba wa haƙƙoƙin da Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Indiya ya tabbatar, kuma irin wannan aikata laifuka ya saba wa Mataki na 21, 14 da 15 na Kundin Tsarin mulki.

A ranar 11 ga watan Disamba na shekara ta 2013, Kotun Koli ta sake hukunta luwadi.

A ranar 6 ga Satumba, 2018, wani alkali biyar na kundin tsarin mulki na Kotun Koli ta Indiya, a cikin wani hukunci mai ban mamaki, ya haramta yin luwadi yayin da ya tsawaita burin Mataki na 15 don haɗawa da 'daidaitawar jima'i' don hana wariya.

Ta hanyar yanki

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Rahoton na Human Rights Watch ya yi nuni da cewa an kama ‘yan jarida da masu fafutukar kare hakkin bil’adama saboda rahotannin karya kan take hakkin dan Adam. Assam dai na ci gaba da kasancewa daya daga cikin jahohin da ke kan gaba wajen da'awar cin zarafin bil'adama da Indiya ta yi. Masu fafutuka na neman ballewa daga kasar sun kara zafafa al'amuran siyasa, inda ake zargin jami'an tsaron Indiya na cin zarafin bil'adama har yanzu ba tare da wata kwakkwarar hujjar zarge-zargen ba. Freedom House ta bayyana a cikin rahotonta na 2013 kan Indiya cewa 'yan jarida a yankunan karkara da yankunan da ke fama da tashe-tashen hankula - ciki har da Assam - suna da rauni kuma suna fuskantar matsin lamba daga bangarorin biyu na rikici.[36]

Daga 1984 zuwa 1994, jihar Punjab a arewacin Indiya ta shiga cikin gwagwarmayar iko tsakanin masu tayar da kayar baya na Khalistan da jami'an tsaro na Indiya. Gwamnatin Indiya ta mayar da martani ga karuwar ta'addancin Punjab ta hanyar kaddamar da Operation Blue Star a shekarar 1984, inda ta kai hari a Harmandir Sahib, ko Golden Temple a Amritsar - cibiyar addinin Sikh da rayuwar ruhi, inda wasu kungiyoyin 'yan bindiga suka ja da baya. Rundunar dai ta samu cece-kuce kuma ta yi sanadin mutuwar daruruwan fararen hula da ‘yan bindiga da sojoji. Bayan wannan lamarin, jami'an tsaron Sikh sun kashe firaminista Indira Gandhi, inda aka kara samun tashin hankali

An ji sakamakon waɗannan abubuwan fiye da shekaru goma. A cewar wani rahoto na Human Rights Watch, jami'an tsaro na jihar sun karbi "ƙarin hanyoyin zalunci don dakatar da ta'addanci, gami da kamawa, azabtarwa, ɗaurin dogon lokaci ba tare da shari'a ba, bacewar fararen hula da masu zargin". Kungiyoyin masu fafutuka sun mayar da martani tare da karuwar tashin hankali da aka yi wa fararen hula, jami'an tsaro na jihar, da shugabannin siyasa na Sikh da aka dauka suna tattaunawa da gwamnati.[37]

Jammu da Kashmir

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Hukumomin kasa da kasa da yawa, gami da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya, sun ba da rahoton keta haƙƙin ɗan adam a Jammu da Kashmir. A cikin sanarwar manema labarai masu magana da yawun OHCHR sun bayyana cewa "Ofishin Babban Kwamishinan Kare Hakkin Dan Adam ya damu game da zanga-zangar da aka yi kwanan nan a Kashmir da ke karkashin mulkin Indiya wanda aka ruwaito ya haifar da mutuwar fararen hula da kuma ƙuntatawa ga 'yancin' yancin taro da faɗar albarkacin baki. " Rahoton Human Rights Watch (HRW) na 1996 ya zargi sojojin Indiya da sojojin da gwamnatin Indiya da "ƙaddamar da manyan da cin zarafin' yancin haƙƙin ɗan adam a Kashmir. [38][ing] HRW ta kuma zargi sojojin Indiya da "yi amfani da fyade a matsayin hanyar azabtarwa da wulakanci al'ummomi".[39] An yi ikirarin kashe-kashen da ba na shari'a ba, bacewar, da azabtarwa da 'yan sanda da sojoji suka yi a Kashmir ta kungiyoyin kare hakkin dan adam da yawa, gami da Amnesty International da HRW. [40][41] Dokar Ikon Musamman ta Sojoji (AFSPA) wacce ke ba da ikon kamawa na soja, haƙƙin harbi don kashewa, da kuma mamayewa ko lalata dukiya a cikin ayyukan yaki da ta'addanci an yi amfani da ita ga Jammu da Kashmir a cikin 1990, kuma an yi amfani dashi tun daga lokacin. Jami'an Indiya sun yi iƙirarin cewa sojoji suna buƙatar irin wannan iko saboda ana tura sojoji ne kawai lokacin da tsaron kasa ke cikin haɗari mai tsanani daga mayakan da ke dauke da makamai. Irin waɗannan yanayi, sun ce, suna buƙatar matakai na musamman. Kungiyoyin kare hakkin dan adam sun kuma nemi gwamnatin Indiya da ta soke Dokar Tsaron Jama'a, tunda "za a iya tsare wanda aka tsare a tsare-tsaren gudanarwa har tsawon shekaru biyu ba tare da umarnin kotu ba". Wani rahoto na 2008 na Freedom House ya bayyana Jammu da Kashmir a matsayin 'yanci'.[3][42]

Sauran take hakkin dan adam

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Gwaje-gwajen gano yaudara kamar "narcoanalysis" (sarrafa maganin sa barci), taswirar kwakwalwa, da gwaje-gwajen gano ƙarya, kotunan Indiya sun taɓa yarda da su don binciken laifuka. Damuwa game da take haƙƙin ɗan adam wajen gudanar da gwaje-gwajen gano yaudara (DDT) an taso da daɗewa kuma Hukumar Kare Haƙƙin Dan Adam ta Indiya ta buga jagorori a cikin 2000 don gudanar da gwaje-gwajen polygraph. Duk da haka, kaɗan ne kawai daga cikin hukumomin bincike aka gani don bin waɗannan ka'idodin.[43]

Duk da haka, a ranar 5 ga Mayu 2010, Kotun Koli a Indiya (Smt. Selvi vs. Jihar Karnataka) ta bayyana cewa "Ba za a iya shigar da sakamakon gwajin a cikin shaida ba idan an samu ta hanyar amfani da tilastawa." da kuma "Mataki na 20(3) ya kare zabin mutum tsakanin yin magana da yin shiru, ba tare da la'akari da ko shaidar da ta biyo baya ta tabbatar da cewa ta zama ta inculpatory ko exculpatory" da kuma "duk wani bayani ko wani abu da aka gano daga baya tare da taimakon sakamakon gwajin da aka yi na son rai za a iya shigar da shi, daidai da sashi na 782 na doka. [44][43][45]

'Yancin mata

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

'Yancin mata Musulmi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Ɗaya daga cikin mahimman abubuwan da ke damun Indiya shine nuna bambanci tsakanin jinsi. Mata musulmi a Indiya na daya daga cikin manyan kungiyoyin da aka hana su daidaito a cikin tsarin kare hakkin dan Adam. Wahalhalun da suke ciki ya samo asali ne daga dalilan al'adu da addini. Wannan ya haɗa da zama mummunan ra'ayi a cikin addini har ma da da'irar ci gaba. Wannan kuma ya hada da tafsirin magabata da tafsirin Alqur'ani da Musulunci na maza. Mata musulmi suna fuskantar wariya sau biyu ta hanyar kasancewar wani yanki na addini, da kuma, tsirarun jinsi. Ƙungiyoyin masu ra'ayin mata masu juna biyu suna jayayya cewa yana da mahimmanci a yi la'akari da ra'ayoyin mata musulmi game da 'yancin kansu idan ba haka ba mutane za su iya kawo karshen ra'ayin matan musulmi da kuma inganta kyamar Islama. [46]

Shari'ar Musulmi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A Indiya, kawai wani ɓangare na shari'ar Musulunci na Shari'a ake aiwatar da shi: tsarin shari'a ya ƙunshi dokar farar hula, dokar gama gari, dokar al'ada, dokar addini da kuma dokar kamfanoni. Ko da yake ana ɗaukar shari'ar Musulunci a matsayin mai tsarki, saboda ci gaban siyasa da zamantakewa na zamani fassarar fassarar shari'ar Musulunci ta yau da kullun a Indiya ta canza dangane da bukatun al'umma.

Shari'ar Musulmi da rashin daidaito
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Indiya ya tsara muhimman hakkoki ga daidaito a karkashin Mataki na 14. Mataki na 15 ya rufe 'yanci daga nuna bambanci wanda ya hada da daidaiton jinsi. Koyaya, Mataki na 25 ya tabbatar da 'yancin addini wanda ke kare haƙƙin addini na al'ummomin musulmai, wanda ke nuna bambanci tsakanin maza da mata Musulmai.[75] Ci gaba da nuna bambanci a cikin dokar mutum ta Musulmi ya sabawa wanda aka tsara a cikin kundin tsarin mulkin Indiya, musamman sashe na 14 da 15.

Kodayake akwai amincewa da haƙƙoƙi a cikin kundin tsarin mulki, matan musulmai suna fuskantar rashin daidaito tsakanin jinsi a aikace a cikin dokar mutum. Dokar mutum tana ba da damar ci gaba da aikin ba da matsayi mafi ƙasƙanci ga matan musulmai a Indiya. Wannan yana haifar da buƙatar sake fasalin doka. Wannan yana da wuyar cimma saboda sau da yawa daidaito na Dokokin iyali galibi masu goyon bayan al'adun addini ne ke tallafawa, waɗanda ke ci gaba da al'adun gargajiya na Musulunci a cikin daidaito na manufofin Musulunci.[78] Kotuna kuma sun yarda kada a bari haƙƙin tsarin mulki ya shiga cikin dokar mutum. A cikin shari'ar Babban Kotun Harvinder Kaur v. Harmander Singh Choudhary, an ki amincewa da cewa dokar mutum tana nuna bambanci ga Rashin daidaito tsakanin jinsi a Indiya kuma ta bayyana cewa "... gabatar da dokar Tsarin Mulki a cikin gida ya fi dacewa". Hukuncin na iya haifar da hana dukkan mata a Indiya hakkoki na asali a cikin kundin tsarin mulki yayin da yake sanya muhimmancin gaske ga dokokin addini akan dokokin daidaito. A gefe guda, nuna bambanci ga dokar mutum an amince da shi sosai a cikin shari'ar Amina, a nan kotun ta lura cewa dokar Musulmi tana nuna bambanci ne ga matan Musulmi, kuma saboda haka ba bisa ka'ida ba ce.

Dokar Musulunci duk da haka tana ba da wasu hakkoki. Ana iya ganin misali daya a cikin aikin aure, ko Nikahnama . Nikahnama na iya rufe wasu hakkoki waɗanda suka shafi auren mata da yawa da kuma haƙƙin mace na tilasta aiwatar da saki. Wannan na iya haɗawa da hannun jari a cikin haƙƙin mallaka. Dokar Musulmi don tallafin kudi saboda saki an tsara shi a cikin Dokar Mata Musulmi (Kariya ta Hakki akan Kisan aure) ta 1986. Duk da haka, waɗannan haƙƙoƙin sun kasance kaɗan. Misali, matar da ta sake aure za ta iya samun tallafin kudi na watanni uku kawai. Har ila yau, mijin matar da aka saki dole ne kawai ya biya tallafin yaro na watanni 3 idan an haifi yaron a cikin watanni uku, amma idan sun haifi ɗa kafin haka ba a tilasta wa mijin ya biya wani tallafi ba.[81] Hakkin mata a cikin waɗannan batutuwa galibi ba a yi amfani da su saboda rashin ilimi na mata Musulmai game da hakkinsu a cikin al'ummar Islama. Har ila yau, ba a kare mata musulma a Indiya ba idan ya zo ga auren mace ɗaya, amma maza Musulmai suna, ana kiyaye su a ƙarƙashin Dokar Shari'ar Indiya.

Majalisar Kare Hakkin Dan Adam ta Majalisar Dinkin Duniya (UNHRC) a karkashin Yarjejeniyar Kasa da Kasa kan 'Yancin Bil'adama da Siyasa (ICPPR) ta nuna dokokin mutum na addini a cikin rahoton Indiya a shekarar 1997. An sanar da shi cewa tsarin haƙƙin ɗan adam ga al'adu da yawa ya kamata ya zama magani yayin magance shirye-shiryen nuna bambanci da ayyuka ga mata Musulmai a cikin al'ummar shari'ar Musulunci.

Mata Musulmi da ilimi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Sau da yawa ana nuna wariya ga mata Musulmai saboda ƙananan nasarorin da suka samu a fannin ilimi, aiki da kuma matsayinsu na tattalin arziki. Wannan shi ne saboda a al'adance ana ware mata Musulmai daga shiga cikin jama'a da masu zaman kansu.

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