Ƙungiyoyin neman Ƴancin Kan Afirka
Yunkurin samun 'yancin kai na Afirka ya faru ne a karni na 20, lokacin da aka ga gwagwarmayar neman' yancin kai a yankunan Afirka da ke karkashin mulkin Turai.
Shahararrun ƙungiyoyin 'yancin kai sun faru:
- Aljeriya (tsohuwar Aljeriya ta Faransa), duba Yaƙin Aljeriya
- Angola (tsohuwar Angola ta Portuguese), duba Yakin mulkin mallaka na PortugueseYaƙin mulkin mallaka na Portugal
- Guinea-Bissau (tsohuwar Guinea ta Portuguese), duba Yakin mulkin mallaka na PortugueseYaƙin mulkin mallaka na Portugal
- Madagascar (duba Madagascar Uprising)
- Mozambique (tsohon Portuguese Mozambique), duba Yakin mulkin mallaka na PortugueseYaƙin mulkin mallaka na Portugal
- Namibia (tsohuwar Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma) da Afirka ta Kudu, duba Yakin Independence na Namibia da Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu
Don jerin kasashe na Afirka da suka sami 'yancin kai, duba Decolonisation of Africa .
Yankunan kasashen waje na Burtaniya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Birtaniya Kenya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Kenya mai mulkin Burtaniya ita ce wurin tawaye daga 1952 zuwa 1960, tawaye da 'yan tawayen Kenya suka yi a kan mulkin mallaka na Burtaniya. Manyan 'yan kabilar Kikuyu ne suka kafa tawaye, tare da ƙananan Embu da Meru.
Yankunan kasashen waje na Faransa
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Aljeriya ta Faransa
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Mulkin mallaka na Aljeriya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Mulkin mallaka na Faransa na Aljeriya ya fara ne a ranar 14 ga Yuni, 1830, lokacin da sojojin Faransa suka isa wani gari da ke bakin teku, Sidi Ferruch . Sojojin ba su gamu da gagarumin juriya ba, kuma a cikin makonni 3, an ayyana aikin a hukumance a ranar 5 ga Yuli, 1830. [1] Bayan shekara guda na zama sama da 'yan Turai 3,000 (yawanci Faransanci) sun isa shirye don fara kasuwanci da kuma da'awar ƙasa.[1] A mayar da martani ga mamayar Faransa, an zabi Amir Abd Al-Qadir a matsayin shugaban ƙungiyar adawa. A ranar 27 ga Nuwamba, 1832, Abd Al-Qadir ya bayyana cewa ya yarda da matsayin, amma ya ga yin aiki a matsayin wajibi don kare kasar daga abokan gaba (Faransa). [1] Abd Al-Qadir ya ayyana yaƙin da aka yi da Faransanci a matsayin jihadi, yana adawa da 'yanci.[1] Yunkurin Abd Al-Qadir ya kasance na musamman daga wasu ƙungiyoyin 'yancin kai saboda babban kiran aiki shine ga Islama maimakon kishin ƙasa.[1] Abd Al-Qadir ya yi yaƙi da Faransanci kusan kusan shekaru ashirin, amma an ci shi lokacin da Tijaniyya Brotherhood ta amince da miƙa wuya ga mulkin Faransanci muddin "an ba su izinin yin ayyukan addininsu kyauta, kuma an girmama girmama girmama girmama mutuncin matansu mata da 'ya'yansu mata".[1] A shekara ta 1847 an ci Abd Al-Qadir kuma akwai wasu ƙungiyoyin adawa amma babu wani daga cikinsu da ya fi girma ko kuma ya yi tasiri idan aka kwatanta.[1] Saboda rashin ingantaccen tsari mai girma, Musulmai na Aljeriya "sun koma ga juriya ko murabus, suna jiran sabbin dama," wanda ya zo daga canje-canjen siyasa na kasa da kasa saboda yakin duniya na . [1]
Yayin da Yaƙin Duniya na I fara, jami'ai sun tattauna yadda ake tsara matasa Aljeriya a cikin sojoji don yin yaƙi da Faransanci, amma akwai wasu adawa. Mazauna Turai sun damu da cewa idan 'yan Aljeriya sun yi aiki a cikin sojoji, to, waɗannan 'yan Algeria za su so lada don hidimarsu kuma su nemi' yancin siyasa (Alghailani). Duk da adawa, gwamnatin Faransa ta tsara matasa Aljeriya zuwa cikin sojojin Faransa don yakin duniya na . [1] Tun da yawancin 'yan Aljeriya sun yi yaƙi a matsayin sojojin Faransa a lokacin yakin duniya na farko, kamar yadda mazauna Turai suka yi zargin, Musulmi Aljeriya suna son' yancin siyasa bayan sun yi aiki a yakin. Musulman Aljeriya sun ji cewa ya fi rashin adalci cewa kuri'unsu ba su da daidaito da sauran Aljeriya (yawan mazauna) musamman bayan 1947 lokacin da aka kirkiro Majalisar Aljeriya. Wannan taron ya kunshi mambobi 120. Musulman Aljeriya waɗanda ke wakiltar kusan mutane miliyan 9 na iya sanya kashi 50% na membobin Majalisar yayin da 900,000 wadanda ba Musulmai ba Aljeriya za su iya sanya ɗayan rabin.
Addini a Aljeriya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Lokacin da Faransanci suka isa Aljeriya a 1830, da sauri suka mallaki dukkan cibiyoyin musulmai. Faransanci sun ɗauki ƙasar don canja wurin dukiya da iko ga sababbin mazauna Faransa. Baya ga karɓar dukiyar da ta shafi cibiyoyin musulmai, Faransanci sun kuma karɓi dukiyar mutane kuma a shekara ta 1851, sun karɓi kadada sama da 350,000 na ƙasar Aljeriya. Ga 'yan Aljeriya da yawa, Islama ita ce kawai hanyar tserewa daga ikon mulkin mallaka na Faransa. A cikin 1920s da 30s, akwai farfadowar Islama karkashin jagorancin ulama, kuma wannan motsi ya zama tushen adawa da mulkin Faransa a Aljeriya. Daga ƙarshe, manufofin mulkin mallaka na Faransa sun gaza saboda ulama, musamman Ibn Badis, sun yi amfani da cibiyoyin Islama don yada ra'ayoyinsu na juyin juya hali. Misali, Ibn Badis ya yi amfani da "cibiyar sadarwa ta makarantu, masallatai, kungiyoyin al'adu, da sauran cibiyoyi," don ilimantar da wasu, wanda hakan ya sa juyin juya halin ya yiwu. Ilimi ya zama kayan aiki mafi tasiri don yada ra'ayoyinsu na juyin juya hali lokacin da Musulmai suka zama masu tsayayya da aika yaransu zuwa makarantun Faransa, musamman 'ya'yansu mata. Daga ƙarshe, wannan ya haifar da rikici tsakanin Faransanci da Musulmai saboda akwai al'ummomi biyu daban-daban a cikin ƙasa ɗaya.
Gudanar da gwagwarmayar samun 'yancin kai
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Yakin neman 'Yanayin kai, ko kuma yakin Aljeriya, ya fara ne da kisan kiyashi wanda ya faru a ranar 8 ga Mayu, 1945 a Setif, Aljeriya. Bayan WWII ya ƙare, masu kishin kasa a Aljeriya, cikin jituwa da ra'ayi na adawa da mulkin mallaka na Amurka, sun shirya tafiye-tafiye, amma waɗannan tafiye-tallace sun zama kisan gilla.[2] Sojojin Faransa sun kashe kimanin 'yan Aljeriya 6,000-45,000.[2] Wannan taron ya haifar da tsattsauran ra'ayi na 'yan kasar Aljeriya kuma ya kasance muhimmiyar lamari wajen jagorantar Yaƙin Aljeriya.
A mayar da martani ga kisan kiyashi, Messali Hadj, shugaban jam'iyyar 'yancin kai, Movement for the Triumph of Democratic Liberties (MTLD), "ya juya zuwa siyasar zabe. [2] Tare da jagorancin Hadj, jam'iyyar ta lashe ofisoshin birni da yawa. [2] Amma, a cikin zaben 1948 Ministan cikin gida Jules Moch ya kama' yan takarar, hukumomin yankin sun cika kuri'un ga maza Musulmai, wadanda ba membobin jam'iyyar "Tun" ta hanyar tuntuɓar 'yancin' yancin kai ta hanyar majalisa, Ahmed"[2]"Ba a taɓa horar da Ahmed a hukumance a cikin dabarun ba, don haka ya yi nazarin tsoffin tawaye a kan Faransanci kuma ya zo ga ƙarshe cewa "babu wani yunkuri na adawa da mulkin mallaka da ya yi hulɗa da irin wannan yawan jama'a masu iko da siyasa.[2]"Dangane da yawan mazauna masu ƙarfi, A ̈ıt Ahmed ya yi imanin cewa Aljeriya za ta iya samun 'yancin kai ne kawai idan motsi ya zama mai dacewa a fagen siyasa na duniya. [2] A cikin 'yan shekaru masu zuwa, membobin MTLD sun fara rashin jituwa game da wane hanyar da kungiyar ta kamata ta je don samun' yancin kai, don haka a ƙarshe membobin da suka fi tsattsauran ra'ayi sun rabu don kafa National Liberation Front (FLN). [2]
Yaki don samun 'yancin kai a fagen wasa na kasa da kasa
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]FLN a hukumance ta fara Yakin Aljeriya don 'Yancin Kai kuma ta bi shawarar A ̈ıt Ahmed ta hanyar haifar da tashin hankali a dangantakar Franco-Amurka.[2] Saboda karuwar dangantakar duniya, Yaƙin Aljeriya ya zama "wani nau'in yaƙin duniya - yaƙi don ra'ayin duniya".[2] A cikin tarurruka masu rufewa Amurka ta ƙarfafa Faransa ta tattauna da FLN, amma a lokacin tarurrukan Majalisar Dinkin Duniya Amurka ta taimaka wa Faransa ta kawo karshen tattaunawar kan Aljeriya.[2] Daga ƙarshe, dabarun mayar da hankali kan manyan iko bai yi nasara ba ga Aljeriya, amma da zarar Aıt ̈ Ahmed ya fara amfani da gasa ta duniya yakin Aljeriya don samun 'yancin kai ya yi nasara.[2]
Mata a cikin gwagwarmayar samun 'yancin kai
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Dubban mata sun shiga cikin yakin, har ma a kan ayyukan kisa.[3] Mata sun shiga cikin "masu yaƙi, 'yan leƙen asirin, masu tara kuɗi, da masu aikawa, da ma'aikatan jinya, masu wanki, da masu dafa abinci".[3] 3% na dukkan mayakan mata ne, wanda kusan daidai yake da mata 11,000.[3]
Wannan magana ce ta mata uku da suka shiga cikin yakin: "Mun ziyarci shafin kuma mun lura da manufofi da yawa. An gaya mana mu sanya bama-bamai biyu, amma muna uku, kuma a lokacin ƙarshe, tunda zai yiwu, mun yanke shawarar dasa bama-bombe uku. Ni da Samia muka ɗauki bama-bamai uku daga Casbah zuwa Bab el Oued, inda aka shirya su...Kowannensu ya sanya bam, kuma a lokacin da aka tsara akwai fashewa biyu; daya daga cikin bama-bamai ba shi da kyau kuma bai tashi ba.' - Djamila B., Zohra D., da Samia, Algiers, Satumba 1956".[3]
Sakamakon
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Aljeriya ta sami 'yancin kai a ranar 20 ga Fabrairu, 1962 lokacin da Gwamnatin Faransa ta sanya hannu kan yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya.[4]
Duk da yake ƙungiyar mata ta sami gagarumin nasara bayan samun 'yancin kai, zaman lafiya a ƙasar bai daɗe ba. Ba da daɗewa ba bayan samun 'yancin kai, Yaƙin basasar Aljeriya ya fara. Yaƙin basasa ya ɓarke ne daga fushi game da mulkin jam'iyya ɗaya da kuma ƙaruwar rashin aikin yi a Aljeriya. A watan Oktoba na shekara ta 1988, matasa mazajen Aljeriya sun tafi kan tituna kuma sun shiga cikin rikice-rikicen mako-mako.
Bugu da kari, yakin Aljeriya don samun 'yancin kai ya yi wahayi zuwa ga masu 'yanci a Afirka ta Kudu.[5] Koyaya, masu 'yanci ba su yi nasara ba wajen aiwatar da dabarun Alergian a cikin ƙungiyar' yancin kansu.[5]
Har ila yau, ƙungiyar 'yancin kai ta Algeria tana da tasiri mai dorewa a kan tunanin Faransanci game da dangantakar da ke tsakanin gwamnati da addini.[6]
Ƙasashen waje na Portugal
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Portugal ta gina daular duniya wadda ta yi ƙarni biyar tana wanzuwa. Faɗaɗa yankunan Portugal na waje ya fara ne a ƙarni na 15, sakamakon abubuwa da dama da suka bai wa ƙananan ƙasar bakin teku damar yin rinjaye a kan manyan ƙasashen Turai. Da farko, a ƙarni na 14, masu gina jiragen ruwa na Portugal sun ƙirƙiri sabbin hanyoyi da suka sa yin tafiya cikin teku mai tsanani na Atlantika ya fi sauƙi. Sun haɗa abubuwa daga nau'ikan jirage daban-daban don gina karafan jiragen ruwa masu ƙarfi, fadi da kuma iya juyawa cikin sauƙi. Haka kuma sun amfana daga ingantattun na’urorin kimiyyar gudanar da jirgi, da kuma makarantar koyon tafiye-tafiye da Yarima Henry Mai Bincike ya kafa a Sagres a shekarar 1419. Fara daga tafiye-tafiye zuwa Madeira da Azores, tsibiran dake cikin tekun Atlantika a farkon ƙarni na 14, Portugal ta ci gaba da faɗaɗa bincikenta har zuwa Japan a ƙarni na 16. A wannan hanya, sun kafa sansanoni da garuruwa a bakin teku na Afirka ta Yamma da Gabas. A ƙarni na 16 zuwa na 18, Portugal ta rasa shugabancin ga wasu ƙasashen Turai kamar Ingila da Faransa, amma ta taka muhimmiyar rawa a cinikin bayi domin biyan buƙatar aiki a Brazil da wasu kasuwannin Amurka. Zuwa farkon ƙarni na 19, Portugal ta mallaki wurare shida a Afirka. Daya daga ciki shi ne tsibiran Cape Verde, dake kusan kilomita 700 yamma da Dakar, Senegal. An kwace wannan tsibirin daga Diogo Gomes a shekarar 1458, inda aka mayar da shi gona ta shukar suga da amfani da bayi da aka kawo daga nahiyar Afirka. A da Portugal tana da ikirarin mallakar bakin teku na Afirka ta Yamma sosai, tun lokacin da ita ce ta fara bincikar yankin sosai, amma zuwa shekarar 1800 ta rage da wasu tashoshin jiragen ruwa a bakin kogin Rio Geba a yanzu Guinea-Bissau. A gabas, Portugal ta mallaki tsibiran São Tomé da Príncipe dake kudu da bakin kogin Niger. Kamar Cape Verde, an juya su zuwa gonar suga a farkon ƙarni na 16 da amfani da bayi da aka samo daga wajen yankin Kogin Kongo. Zuwa ƙarshen ƙarni na 19, masu gonar Portugal sun shahara wajen shuka koko da amfani da aikin bayi. Kusa da kudu, Portugal ta yi ikirarin mallakar bangarorin biyu na bakin kogin Kongo, da kuma bakin teku na Atlantika har zuwa kogin Cunene. A aikace, Portugal ta mallaki manyan biranen tashar jiragen ruwa kamar Cabinda (a arewacin bakin kogin Kongo), Ambriz (a kudu na bakin kogin Kongo), Luanda da Benguela a bakin teku na Angola, da kuma wasu garuruwan koguna a cikin Angola.
Yankin ƙarshe da Portugal ta yi ikirari a Afirka shi ne bakin tekun kudu maso gabas, a gefen biyu na bakin kogin Zambezi. Bayan isa wannan yankin, da ake kira bakin teku na Swahili, a ƙarshen ƙarni na 15, Portugal ta rinjayi yawancin yankin zuwa ƙarshen ƙarni na 16. A ƙarni na 17, ta rasa ikon mallakar duk wani abu da ke arewacin Cape Delgado ga larabawa daga Oman (wanda suka kafa Daular Sultanate ta Zanzibar), suka bar manyan tashoshi a Mozambique, Quelimane, da Maputo (Lourenço Marques), da kuma sansanoni a bakin kogin Zambezi da wasu koguna.
Ko da yake Portugal ta riƙe waɗannan wurare, mallakar Afirka ta kasance mai wahala. Dalili na farko shi ne ƙarancin yawan jama'ar Portugal da kuma rashin goyon bayan al'umma ga daular kasashen waje. Bincike da mamayewa sun fara ne da taimakon sarakuna, kuma manoma 'yan Portugal ba su yawan shiga ba sai idan an tilasta musu. Lokacin da talakawa suka yanke shawarar yin hijira, mafi yawan su sun fi son zuwa Brazil da wasu yankuna maimakon zuwa Afirka. Don jan hankalin Turawa zuwa yankunanta na Afirka, gwamnati ta fitar da 'degradados' — masu laifi da aka yanke musu hukunci — daga kurkuku don su yi zaman kora a Afirka. Angola musamman ta shahara a matsayin gidan yarin Portugal. Haka kuma, saboda yawancin Turawan da ke can maza ne, haihuwar Turawa ta yi ƙasa sosai, kodayake an haifi mutane masu haɗakar Afirka da Turawa da ake kira "Afro-Lusitanians." Saboda haka, yawan Turawan da ke zaune a yankunan Afirka na Portugal bai taba zama mai yawa ba, kuma shugabannin al'umma sau da yawa suna da alaƙa da gwamnatocin Afirka na yankin fiye da gwamnatin Portugal dake nesa.
Dalili na biyu na raunin mallakar Portugal a Afirka shi ne tasirin shekaru uku na cinikin bayi na Atlantika wanda ya samo asali daga tsohuwar cinikin bayi na Afirka. Da cinikin bayi na Atlantika ya fara, yawancin 'yan Portugal (ciki har da 'yan kasuwar Brazil) a Afirka basu ga wata sha'awa ba wajen gudanar da sauran kasuwanci mai riba. Tattalin arzikin Guinea, Angola da Mozambique sun mayar da kai sosai wajen fitar da bayi zuwa Sabon Duniya (da zinariya da giwaye inda ake samu) yayin da a tsibiran, bayi ake amfani da su wajen shuka suga domin fitarwa. Hukumar mulkin mallaka bata yi wani ƙoƙari wajen dakatar da cinikin bayi ba, inda wasu daga cikin kabilun Afirka ma suke goyon bayanta, suna samun arziki ta wannan hanya, yayin da 'yan kasuwar ke samun riba mai yawa wadda suke amfani da ita wajen samo abokan haɗin gwiwa a Afirka da Portugal.
Ko da yake an fara shirya ƙoƙarin kawo ƙarshen bautar a Turai a ƙarni na 18, cinikin bayi ya tsaya ne a farkon ƙarni na 19, musamman saboda ƙoƙarin Ingila wajen hana jigilar kaya ga Faransa a lokacin yakin Napoleonic. Portugal ta kasance ɗaya daga cikin ƙasashen farko a duniya da suka haramta bautar, inda ta fara yin hakan a Portugal ta ƙasa a cikin ƙarni na 18. Gwamnatin Portugal ta kawo ƙarshen bautar a sassan mulkin mallaka a hankali, har ta kawo ƙa'ida ta ƙarshe a 1858 wadda ta haramta bautar a daular waje. Hanyoyin kawo ƙarshen bautar sun kasance masu jinkiri saboda ƙarfi da tasirin masu goyon bayan bautar a siyasar Portugal, Brazil da Afirka, waɗanda suka katsalandan ga hukumomin mulki da suka nemi kalubalantar waɗannan kasuwanci masu ƙarfi.
Yakin Napoleonic ya kawo sabon salo a siyasar Portugal — juyin mulki na jamhuriya — wanda sojojin Faransa suka kawo a matsayin madadin sarauta a 1807. Wannan hari ya sa iyalan sarautar Portugal suka yanke shawarar tserewa zuwa Brazil (da jiragen Ingila), inda suka mulki har zuwa 1821. Lokacin da Sarki João VI ya dawo Lisbon, ya samu sarakuna masu ra'ayin rabuwa, da kuma ƙungiyar masu matsakaicin matsayi waɗanda ke son mulkin tsarin dokoki. A zamanin mulkin João VI (1821–1826) da na magabatan sa—Peter IV (1826–1831), Maria (1833–1853), Peter V (1853–1861), Louis I (1861–1889), da Carlos (1889–1908)—akwai yakin basasa daga 1826 zuwa 1834, lokacin da aka ce "rikice-rikicen ministoci da tashin hankali" daga 1834 zuwa 1853, har zuwa ƙarshen sarauta lokacin da Carlos da magajinsa aka kashe a 1 ga Fabrairu, 1908. A irin waɗannan yanayi, jami'an mulkin mallaka daga Lisbon sun fi mai da hankali kan siyasar gida fiye da gudanar da yankunan Afirka.
Kamar sauran wurare, Juyin Masana'antu ya kawo canji a Portugal Africa. Ya ƙirƙiri buƙatar kayan albarkatun daji kamar man ganye, auduga, koko da roba, haka nan kuma kasuwanni don sayen kayayyakin masana'antu. A Portugal, mafi yawan masana'antun suna Ingila, wanda ke da alaƙa ta musamman da Portugal tun lokacin da Philippa, 'yar John of Gaunt na Ingila, ta auri John of Avis, wanda ya kafa dynasty ta biyu ta Portugal. Saboda matsin lamba daga har
Yancin Afirka a cikin Afirka ta Portuguese
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Angola ta Portuguese
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]A cikin Portuguese Angola, 'yan tawaye na ZSN sun karɓi União das Populações de Angola (UPA), wanda ya canza suna zuwa National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA) a 1962. A ranar 4 ga Fabrairu, 1961, ƙungiyar People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) ta ɗauki alhakin kai hari a gidan yari na Luanda, inda aka kashe 'yan sanda bakwai. A ranar 15 ga Maris, 1961, UPA, a cikin wani hari na kabilanci, ta fara kisan gillar fararen fata da ma'aikatan baƙi da aka haifa a wasu yankuna na Angola. An sake kwato wannan yankin ne ta manyan ayyukan soja, duk da haka ba za a dakatar da yaɗuwar ayyukan 'yan tawaye zuwa wasu yankuna na Angola ba, kamar Cabinda, gabas, kudu maso gabas da kuma tsaunukan tsakiya.
Guinea ta Portuguese
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Image:PAIGC posto de controlo.jpg|thumb|Wani tasha na African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) a shekarar 1974 A cikin Portuguese Guinea, ƙungiyar Marxist African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) ta fara yaƙi a cikin Janairu 1963. Mayaka ta ta kai hari kan hedkwatar Portuguese a Tite, wanda yake kudu da Bissau, babban birnin kasar, kusa da kogin Corubal. Irin waɗannan ayyuka sun yi sauri sun yaɗu ko'ina cikin mulkin mallaka, suna buƙatar amsa mai ƙarfi daga sojojin Portuguese.
Yaƙin a Guinea ya sanya Amílcar Cabral, shugaban PAIGC, da António de Spínola, janar na Portuguese da ke da alhakin ayyukan soja na gida, su fuskanci juna. A cikin 1965 yaƙin ya yaɗu zuwa gabashin ƙasar kuma a wannan shekarar PAIGC ta kai hare-hare a arewacin ƙasar inda a lokacin ƙananan ƙungiyar 'yan tawaye, Frente de Luta pela Independência Nacional da Guiné (FLING), ke yaƙi. A wannan lokacin, PAIGC ta fara samun tallafin soja daga Socialist Bloc, musamman daga Cuba, tallafin da zai ci gaba har zuwa ƙarshen yaƙin.
A Guinea sojojin Portuguese sun fi ɗaukar matsayin tsaro, suna iyakance kansu da riƙe yankunan da suka riga suka riƙe. Irin wannan aiki ya yi mummunar illa ga sojojin Portuguese waɗanda ke ci gaba da kai musu hari daga sojojin PAIGC. Sun kuma yi rashin ƙarfin gwiwa saboda ci gaban tasirin masu goyon bayan 'yancin kai a cikin al'ummar da PAIGC ke ɗaukar ma'aikata da yawa.
Tare da wasu sauye-sauyen dabarun António Spínola a ƙarshen 1960s, sojojin Portuguese sun sami sauri kuma, suna kai hari, sun zama ƙarfi mai tasiri. Tsakanin 1968 zuwa 1972, sojojin Portuguese sun karɓi iko kuma a wasu lokuta suna kai hare-hare kan matsayin PAIGC. A wannan lokacin sojojin Portuguese suna kuma amfani da hanyoyin ɓarna don tinkarar 'yan tawaye, suna kai hari ga tsarin siyasa na ƙungiyar 'yancin kai. Wannan dabarar ta ƙare da kashe Amílcar Cabral a cikin Janairu 1973. Duk da haka, PAIGC ta ci gaba da yaƙi kuma ta tura sojojin Portuguese zuwa iyaka. Wannan ya ƙara bayyana bayan PAIGC ta sami makamai na anti-aircraft da Soviets suka bayar, musamman SA-7 rocket launchers, ta haka ne suka lalata fifikon jirgin saman Portuguese.
Mozambique ta Portuguese
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Portuguese Mozambique ita ce ƙarshe da ta fara yaƙin 'yancin kai. Ƙungiyar 'yancin kai ta kasance karkashin jagorancin Marxist-Leninist Liberation Front of Mozambique (FRELIMO), wanda ya kai hari na farko kan abubuwan Portuguese a ranar 24 ga Satumba, 1964, a Chai, lardin Cabo Delgado. Yaƙin daga baya ya yaɗu zuwa Niassa, Tete a tsakiyar ƙasar. Wani rahoto daga Battalion No. 558 na sojojin Portuguese ya yi nuni ga ayyukan tashin hankali, kuma a Cabo Delgado, a ranar 21 ga Agusta, 1964. A ranar 16 ga Nuwamba na wannan shekarar, sojojin Portuguese sun fara samun asarar farko a yaƙin a arewacin ƙasar, a yankin Xilama. A wannan lokacin, girman ƙungiyar 'yan tawaye ya ƙaru sosai; wannan, tare da ƙarancin adadin sojojin Portuguese da 'yan mulkin mallaka, ya ba da damar haɓaka ƙarfin FRELIMO. Da sauri ta fara motsawa kudu zuwa Meponda da Mandimba, tana haɗuwa da Tete tare da taimakon Malawi.
Har zuwa 1967 FRELIMO ta nuna ƙarancin sha'awar yankin Tete, tana mai da hankali kan gundumomi biyu na arewacin ƙasar inda amfani da landmines ya zama ruwan dare. A yankin Niassa, manufar FRELIMO ita ce ƙirƙirar ƴar koren hanya zuwa Zambézia. Har zuwa Afrilu 1970, ayyukan soja na FRELIMO sun ƙaru sosai, musamman saboda aikin dabarun Samora Machel a yankin Cabo Delgado. A farkon 1970s, bayan aikin Gordian Knot Operation na Portuguese, 'yan tawayen 'yancin kai sun yi mummunar lalacewa.
Matsayin Ƙungiyar Haɗin Kan Afirka
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Ƙungiyar Haɗin Kan Afirka (OAU) an kafa ta ne a watan Mayu 1963. Ƙa'idodinta na asali sun haɗa da haɗin gwiwa tsakanin ƙasashen Afirka da haɗin kai tsakanin al'ummomin Afirka. Wani muhimmin manufa na OAU shi ne kawo ƙarshen duk wani nau'i na mulkin mallaka a Afirka. Wannan ya zama babban manufar ƙungiyar a cikin shekarunta na farko kuma nan da nan matsin lamba na OAU ya haifar da batun yanayin a cikin yankunan Portuguese a Majalisar Tsaro ta UN.
OAU ta kafa kwamiti a Dar es Salaam, tare da wakilai daga Habasha, Algeria, Uganda, Masar, Tanzania, Zaire, Guinea, Senegal da Nigeria, don tallafawa ƙungiyoyin 'yancin kai na Afirka. Tallafin da kwamitin ya bayar ya haɗa da horar da soja da kayan yaƙi. OAU ta kuma ɗauki mataki don haɓaka amincewar duniya da halaccin Gwamnatin Juyin Juya Hali ta Angola a gudun hijira (GRAE), wanda ya ƙunshi National Liberation Front of Angola (FNLA). An canja wannan tallafin zuwa ƙungiyar People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) da shugabanta, Agostinho Neto a 1967. A cikin Nuwamba 1972, OAU ta amince da ƙungiyoyin biyu don haɓaka haɗin gwiwarsu. Bayan 1964, OAU ta amince da PAIGC a matsayin wakilai na halalta na Guinea-Bissau da Cape Verde kuma a cikin 1965 ta amince da FRELIMO don Mozambique.
Eritrea
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Eritrea tana da wuri mai mahimmanci a bakin Tekun Ja tsakanin mashigin Suez da Bab-el-Mandeb. Eritrea ta kasance mulkin mallaka na Italiya daga 1890 zuwa 1941. A ranar 1 ga Afrilu, 1941, Birtaniya ta kama Asmara inda ta ci Italiya, kuma Eritrea ta fada karkashin Mulkin Soja na Birtaniya. Wannan mulkin soja ya dade daga 1941 har zuwa 1952. A ranar 2 ga Disamba, 1950, Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta yanke shawara ta hanyar kuduri na UN Resolution 390 A(V) don hada Eritrea da Habasha. Mai tsara wannan yarjejeniyar shi ne Amurka. Yarjejeniyar ta fara aiki a ranar 11 ga Satumba, 1952. Duk da haka, yarjejeniyar ba ta yi nasara ba ga mulkin feudal na Habasha, kuma ta fara rugujewa ta tsari. A ranar 24 ga Disamba, 1958—tutar Eritrea ta maye gurbin tutar Habasha.
A ranar 17 ga Mayu, 1960—Taken "Gwamnatin Eritrea" na Yarjejeniyar Tarayya ya canza zuwa "Gudanarwar Eritrea". Tun da farko an ayyana yaren Amharic a matsayin harshen hukuma a Eritrea maimakon Tigrinya da Larabci. A karshe a ranar 14 ga Nuwamba, 1962—Habasha ta mamaye Eritrea a hukumance a matsayin lardinta na 14.
Al'ummar Eritrea, bayan sun gano cewa yakin neman 'yancin kai ta hanyar zaman lafiya ya fadi kan kumama, suka kafa kungiyar Eritrean Liberation Movement a 1958. Wadanda suka kafa wannan kungiyar 'yancin kai sune: Mohammad Said Nawud, Saleh Ahmed Iyay, Yasin al-Gade, Mohammad al-Hassen da Said Sabr. Membobin ELM sun kasance cikin rukunoni sirri bakwai-bakwai. An san kungiyar da sunan Mahber Shewate a cikin Tigrinya da kuma Harakat Atahrir al Eritrea a Larabci. A ranar 10 ga Yuli, 1960, an kafa wata kungiya ta biyu mai neman 'yancin kai, Eritrean Liberation Front (ELF), a Alkahira. Daga cikin wadanda suka kafa ta akwai: Idris Mohammed Adem, Shugaba, Osman Salih Sabbe, Sakatare Janar, da Idris Glawdewos a matsayin shugaban harkokin soja. Wadannan sun kasance daga cikin wadanda suka kafa babban hukumar siyasa da aka fi sani da Majalisar Koli. A ranar 1 ga Satumba, 1961, Hamid Idris Awate da tawagarsa ta ELF sun kai hari ga wani rundunar 'yan sandan Habasha a yammacin Eritrea (kusa da Dutsen Adal). Wannan shi ne farkon yakin 'yancin kai na Eritrea na shekaru 30. Tsakanin Maris da Nuwamba 1970, kungiyoyi uku masu mahimmanci wadanda daga baya suka kafa Eritrean People's Liberation Front (EPLF) sun balle daga ELF suka kafa kansu a matsayin rukuni na daban.
A watan Satumba na 1974, an hambarar da Sarkin Haile Selassie ta hanyar juyin mulkin soja a Habasha. Kwamitin sojan da ya karbi mulki a Habasha an fi saninsa da sunan Amharic Derg. Bayan juyin mulkin soja, Derg ta yanke alaka da Amurka kuma ta yi kawance da Tarayyar Soviet, kuma Tarayyar Soviet da kawayenta na gabas sun maye gurbin Amurka a matsayin masu goyon bayan hare-haren Habasha a kan Eritrea. Tsakanin Janairu zuwa Yuli 1977, sojojin ELF da EPLF sun 'yantar da kashi 95% na Eritrea, inda suka kame dukkan garuruwa sai hudu. Duk da haka, a shekarun 1978–79, Habasha ta kai hare-hare biyar masu karfi da Soviet ke bada tallafi kuma ta sake mamaye kusan dukkan manyan garuruwa da biranen Eritrea, ban da Nakfa. EPLF ta ja da baya zuwa tushen dutse a arewacin Eritrea, kusa da garin Nakfa. A shekara ta 1980, EPLF ta ba da shawarar yin kuri'ar raba gardama don kawo karshen yakin, duk da haka, Habasha, tana tunanin tana da rinjaye a fagen fama, ta ki amincewa da tayin kuma yakin ya ci gaba. A watan Fabrairu zuwa Yuni 1982, EPLF ta yi nasarar fatattakar babban yakin Habasha na watanni hudu da aka fi sani da "Red Star" campaign, wanda Eritireyawa suka fi sani da hari na 6, inda suka yi sanadin asarar sojojin Habasha fiye da 31,000.
A shekara ta 1984, EPLF ta kaddamar da wani hari na mayar da martani kuma ta kori sojojin Habasha daga yankin Arewa maso Gabashin Sahil. A watan Maris na 1988, EPLF ta lalata gaban Habasha a Afabet a wani babban hari wanda masanin tarihi dan Birtaniya Basil Davidson ya kwatanta da shan kayen da Faransa ta yi a Dien Bien Phu. A watan Fabrairu na 1990, EPLF ta 'yantar da tashar jiragen ruwa mai mahimmanci ta Massawa, kuma a cikin haka ta lalata wani yanki na sojojin ruwan Habasha. Shekara guda bayan haka, yakin ya kare a ranar 24 ga Mayu, 1991, lokacin da sojojin Habasha a Eritrea suka mika wuya. Ta haka ne yakin 'yancin kai na Eritrea na shekaru 30 ya zo karshensa da nasara.
A ranar 24 ga Mayu, 1993, bayan zabin raba gardama da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta gudanar a ranakun 23–25 ga Afrilu, 1993, inda al'ummar Eritrea suka kada kuri'a da rinjaye, kashi 99.8%, don 'yancin kai, Eritrea ta ayyana 'yancin kai a hukumance kuma ta sami amincewar duniya.
Namibiya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]File:DSWA Flag02.jpg|thumb|Sojojin South African National Defence Force suna daukar hoto tare da tutar Jamus da suka kama bayan nasarar mamayar su na South West Africa a 1915 File:Regiment Windhoek1.PNG|thumb|Ayarin sojojin Afirka ta Kudu a Namibia ta yau a 1978
A farkon Yaƙin Duniya na I, Ƙungiyar Afirka ta Kudu ta shiga cikin mamayewa da kuma mamaya wasu yankunan ƙawance da aka karɓa daga Daular Jamus, musamman German South West Africa da German East Africa a yankin Tanzania na yau. Rashin nasarar Jamus ya tilastawa sabuwar Jamhuriyar Weimar ta ba da ikon mallakar ta na ketare ga Ƙungiyar Ƙasashe a matsayin wa'adi. An ba da wa'adin South-West Africa ga Burtaniya, "domin kuma a madadin gwamnatin Ƙungiyar Afirka ta Kudu", wacce za ta kula da harkokin gudanarwa a ƙarƙashin kulawar ƙungiyar. An sanya South-West Africa a matsayin wa'adi na "C", ko yanki wanda ƙaramar yawan jama'arsa, ƙaramin girmansa, nisansa, da ci gaban yanayin ƙasa zuwa ikon wa'adin ya ba shi damar gudanar da shi a matsayin wani ɓangare na wa'adin kanta. Duk da haka, Ƙungiyar Ƙasashe ta tilasta wa Afirka ta Kudu haɓaka ci gaban zamantakewa tsakanin mazauna asali, guje wa kafa sansanonin soja a can, da ba da izinin zama ga mishaneri na kowace ƙasa ba tare da ƙuntatawa ba. Mataki na 7 na wa'adin South-West Africa ya bayyana cewa ana buƙatar amincewar ƙungiyar don kowane canje-canje a cikin sharuɗɗan wa'adin.
Game da yawan al'ummar Jamus na gida, mamayar ya kasance a kan sharuɗɗan sassauci; Afirka ta Kudu ta mayar da jami'an farar hula da na soja kawai, tare da ƴan ƙananan mutanen da ba a so a siyasance. Sauran fararen hula na Jamus an bar su su zauna. A cikin 1924 dukan fararen fata na South-West Africans an zartar da su a matsayin ƴan ƙasa na Afirka ta Kudu da kuma ƴan Burtaniya a cikinsu; ban da kusan 260 waɗanda suka ƙera ƙin yarda na musamman. A cikin 1926 an ƙirƙiri Majalisar Dokoki don wakiltar Jamus, Afrikaans, da fararen fata masu magana da Ingilishi. An mika ikon kula da muhimman harkokin gudanarwa, gami da haraji, ga sabuwar majalisa, yayin da al'amuran da suka shafi tsaro da harkokin ƙasa suka kasance a hannun babban mai gudanarwa.
Bayan Yaƙin Duniya na II, an yi tambaya game da matsayin kasa da kasa na South West Africa bayan rushewar Ƙungiyar Ƙasashe. Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta ƙi Afirka ta Kudu izinin haɗa wa'adin a matsayin lardi na biyar, galibi saboda sabon tsarin wariyar launin fata na apartheid. A buƙatar Babban Taron, an bincika batun a Kotun Duniya. Kotun ta yanke hukunci a cikin 1950 cewa ba a buƙatar Afirka ta Kudu ta mika wa'adin ga amintattun UN ba, amma ta ci gaba da wajabta bin ainihin sharuɗɗanta, gami da mika rahotanni na shekara-shekara game da yanayin yankin.
Karkashin jagorancin sabon zaɓaɓɓen ɗan Afrikaner mai kishin ƙasa Daniel François Malan, gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu ta ƙi wannan ra'ayi kuma ta ƙi amincewa da ikon UN na tsoma baki cikin harkokin South-West Africa. A cikin 1960 Habasha da Laberiya, kawai sauran ƙasashe biyu na tsoffin membobin Ƙungiyar Ƙasashe a Afirka, sun ƙaddamar da kara a Hague don yanke hukunci a cikin wani yanke shawara mai ɗaurewa cewa wa'adin ƙungiyar har yanzu yana aiki kuma a sa Afirka ta Kudu alhakin rashin samar da mafi girman jin daɗin jiki da ɗabi'a na baƙar fata na South West Africans. An nuna cewa mazauna da ba fararen fata ba suna ƙarƙashin duk takunkumin dokokin apartheid da suka shafi waɗanda ba fararen fata ba a Afirka ta Kudu, gami da keɓancewa ga ajiyar, shingen launi a cikin aikin yi, dokokin izinin wucewa, da kuma shawo kan ƙaura zuwa birane. Ƙoƙarin Afirka ta Kudu na rushe shari'a ta hanyar jayayya cewa kotu ba ta da ikon sauraron karar an ƙi; akasin haka, duk da haka, kotu da kanta ta yanke hukunci cewa Habasha da Laberiya ba su da buƙatar doka da ta cancanci su kawo karar.
A cikin Oktoba 1966 Babban Taro ya ayyana cewa Afirka ta Kudu ta gaza cika wajibcinta a matsayin mai iko kuma a zahiri ta ƙi su. An ƙare wa'adin ba tare da izini ba bisa dalilin cewa yanzu UN za ta ɗauki alhakin kai tsaye na South-West Africa. A cikin 1967 da 1969 UN ta yi kira da Afirka ta Kudu ta janye kuma ta nemi Kwamitin Tsaro ya ɗauki matakan kora Sojojin Tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu daga yankin da Babban Taron, a buƙatar shugabannin baƙar fata a gudun hijira, ya sake suna Namibia. Ɗaya daga cikin manyan matsalolin da suka haifar da 'yancin kai a ƙarshe shine lokacin da UN ta amince da amincewa da Ƙungiyar Jama'ar South West African (SWAPO), a lokacin ƙungiya ce kawai ta Ovambo, a matsayin wakili na gaskiya na al'ummar Namibia. Afirka ta Kudu ta ji haushin Babban Taron tare da watsi da jam'iyyunta daban-daban na cikin gida na Namibia a matsayin ƴan tsana na mamayar iko. Bugu da ƙari, SWAPO ta ɗauki dandali mai tsattsauran ra'ayi wanda ke kira ga 'yancin kai ta hanyar ayyukan UN, gami da shiga tsakani na soja.
A shekara ta 1965, SWAPO ta sami ƙarfin gwiwa ta hanyar kafa reshen 'yan tawaye, Sojojin 'Yantar da Jama'a na Namibia (PLAN), wanda ya tilastawa tura sojojin 'yan sandan Afirka ta Kudu a kan dogon iyaka mai nisa na arewa. An yi fadan farko tsakanin 'yan PLAN da jami'an tsaro na gida a watan Agusta 1966.
Manazarta
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- ↑ 1.0 1.1 1.2 1.3 1.4 1.5 1.6 1.7 1.8 Cite error: Invalid
<ref>tag; no text was provided for refs named:0 - ↑ 2.00 2.01 2.02 2.03 2.04 2.05 2.06 2.07 2.08 2.09 2.10 2.11 Connelly, Matthew (2001). "Rethinking the Cold War and Decolonization: The Grand Strategy of the Algerian War for Independence". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 33 (2): 221–245. doi:10.1017/S0020743801002033. S2CID 203337150.
- ↑ 3.0 3.1 3.2 3.3 Turshen, Meredeth (2002). "Algerian Women in the Liberation Struggle and the Civil War: From Active Participants to Passive Victims?". Social Research: An International Quarterly. 69 (3): 889–911. doi:10.1353/sor.2002.0047. JSTOR 40971577. S2CID 140869532. Samfuri:Gale Samfuri:Project MUSE ProQuest 209667669.
- ↑ Cairns, John C. (June 1962). "Algeria: The Last Ordeal". International Journal: Canada's Journal of Global Policy Analysis. 17 (2): 87–97. doi:10.1177/002070206201700201. S2CID 144891906.
- ↑ 5.0 5.1 Drew, Allison (2 January 2015). "Visions of liberation: the Algerian war of independence and its South African reverberations". Review of African Political Economy. 42 (143): 22–43. doi:10.1080/03056244.2014.1000288. S2CID 144545186.
|hdl-access=requires|hdl=(help) - ↑ Shepard, Todd (August 2013). "Algerian nationalism, Zionism, and French laïcité: a history of ethnoreligious nationalisms and decolonization". International Journal of Middle East Studies. 45 (3): 445–467. doi:10.1017/S0020743813000421. S2CID 162341136.
Ƙara karatu
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- Kevin Okoth, "Poison is better" (review of Susan Williams, White Malice: the CIA and the Neocolonisation of Africa, Hurst, 2021, 651 pp., ISBN 978 1 78738 555 9; and Natalia Telepneva, Cold War Liberation: The Soviet Union and the Collapse of the Portuguese Empire in Africa, 1961–75, North Carolina, 2023, 302 pp., ISBN 978 1 4696 6586 3), London Review of Books, vol. 45, no. 12 (15 June 2023), pp. 27–30, 32.
Mahaɗu
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- Africa: 50 years of independence Archived 2016-03-03 at the Wayback Machine – Radio France Internationale