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Cin hanci da rashawa a Angola

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Cin hanci da rashawa a Angola
aspect in a geographic region (en) Fassara
Bayanai
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Ƙasa Angola

Cin hanci da rashawa a Angola yana nufin batun cin hanci da Rashawa da yawa a cikin gwamnatin kasar da cibiyoyin gwamnati. Sakamakon Yaƙin basasa na shekaru 30 da tasirin tattalin arzikin kwamandan Soviet sun haifar da mummunar lalacewar ma'aikata da fitowar gwamnati mai tsakiya tare da halaye mai mulkin mallaka. Wannan ya ba da damar shugaban kasa da abokan aikinsa su mallaki albarkatun kasar, suna ba su damar amfani da tattalin arziki don samun riba ta hanyar doka da kuma hanyoyin da ba na doka ba.

Tarihi

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Tsohon shugaban Angola, José Eduardo dos Santos (1979-2017), an zarge shi da kirkirar daya daga cikin kasashe masu cin hanci da rashawa a Afirka. Yana da raunin amsawa ga bukatun yau da kullun da damuwa na 'yan ƙasa kuma a maimakon haka ya yi amfani da arzikin mai na ƙasar don tara dukiya mai yawa ga kansa da iyalinsa. Yaran shugaban, manyan jami'an gwamnati da jami'an soja sun zama masu arziki sosai, yayin da yawancin mutanen kasar ke rayuwa cikin talauci ba tare da samun damar samun ayyuka na asali ba.[1]

A farkon tarihin Angola bayan samun 'yancin kai, yawancin waɗannan dabarun sun haɗa da bangaren mai ko kudaden shiga da aka samu bisa doka daga bangaren mai, a tsawon lokaci cin hanci da rashawa ya samo asali zuwa tsare-tsare daban-daban da suka shafi kamfanonin da ke karkashin ikon jam'iyyar da kuma hanyoyin sadarwar su da ke aiki a duk bangarorin tattalin arziki. Cin hanci da rashawa na tsarin yana yiwuwa a kan wannan sikelin saboda duk mahimman gabobin jihar (soja, 'yan sanda, shari'a, majalisa, bureaucracy, da kafofin watsa labarai) waɗanda ke ba da fifiko ga bukatunsu na sirri a cikin tsarin kulawa akan nauyin matsayinsu na jama'a ne ke gudanar da su.

Alamar cin hanci da rashawa

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  1. Gaskiya ta Gaskiya ta Duniya ta 2024 ta ba Angola maki 32 a kan sikelin daga 0 ("mai cin hanci da rashawa") zuwa 100 ("mai tsabta sosai"). Lokacin da aka tsara ta hanyar ci, Angola ta kasance ta 121 a cikin kasashe 180 a cikin Index, inda ake ganin ƙasar da ta kasance ta farko tana da bangaren jama'a mafi gaskiya.[2] Sakamakon Angola ya fadi daya a shekarar 2024; wannan shine saukowa ta farko tun lokacin da Angola ta fara ingantaccen ci gaba daga ƙananan matsayi na 15 a shekarar 2015. Don kwatanta da ƙididdigar yanki, matsakaicin ƙididdiga tsakanin ƙasashen Afirka na kudu da Sahara [3] ya kasance 33. Mafi kyawun sakamako a yankin Sahara na Afirka ya kasance 72 kuma mafi munin sakamako ya kasance 8.[4] Don kwatanta da ƙididdigar duniya, mafi kyawun ƙuri'a shine 90 (ranked 1), matsakaicin ƙuri'u shine 43, kuma mafi munin ƙuri'un shine 8 (ranked 180). [5]
  2. 2009 World Bank Worldwide Governance Index, ya ba Angola ƙananan maki a kan bangarori shida na shugabanci da aka tantance. Tsayawa na siyasa ya inganta daga 19.2 a shekara ta 2004 zuwa 35.8 (na 100) a shekara ta 2009, amma Angola ta ci ƙarancin lissafi, ƙa'idodin tsari, mulkin doka, da cin hanci da rashawa (5.2). [1]
  3. The 2010 Ibrahim Index, Angola ta kasance ta 43 daga cikin kasashe 53 na Afirka ta kudu da Sahara.[1]
  4. Cibiyar Kula da Haraji[permanent dead link] ta 2010 ta Bayyanawa ta sanya Angola a matsayi na 47 cikin kasashe 55: ta zira kwallaye 34 cikin 100.
  5. The 2010 Open Budget Index ya ba Angola maki 26 (na 100) a kan nuna gaskiya na kasafin kudi, babban ci gaba a kan maki na 2004 na 3, amma mafi ƙarancin maki fiye da na yawancin sauran ƙasashen da aka bincika.[1]
  6. A shekara ta 2008, Gidauniyar Heritage ta Index of Economic Freedom ta sanya Angola ta 161st cikin kasashe 179, wanda ya sa Angola ta zama ta bakwai mafi ƙarancin tattalin arziki a yankin Sahara na Afirka. 'Yanci daga cin hanci da rashawa ya kasance 19 daga 100.[6]
  7. Angola an jera ta a cikin Global Integrity's Grand Corruption Watch List, wasu kasashe 15 ne kawai ke da isasshen kariya ta yaki da cin hanci da rashawa don kasancewa a cikin wannan jerin.[1]

Matsayi irin su wadanda ke sama sun dogara ne akan binciken fahimta, ana tambayar amfanin su gabaɗaya saboda: suna auna fahimta, ba abubuwan da suka faru na cin hanci da rashawa ba; tambayoyin binciken sun bayyana cin hanci na rashawa ba daidai ba kuma sun ba da ɗan jagora game da abin da ke cikin manyan ko ƙananan matakan cin hanci. Mutane a ƙasashe daban-daban suna amsa tambayoyin da suka gabata a hanyoyi daban-daban, suna iyakance kwatankwacin ƙasashe; kuma matsayi da ƙididdigar lambobi na iya sa ƙasashe su yi nesa da juna a kan fasalin cin hanci fiye da yadda suke.[7]

Bayani na tarihi

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Zamanin mulkin mallaka na Angola ya ƙare tare da Yakin Independence na Angola da Portugal wanda ya faru tsakanin 1970 da 1975. Independence bai samar da Angola ba, duk da haka; kasar ta shiga cikin shekaru na yakin basasa tsakanin National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA) da kuma gwamnatin Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Shekaru 30 na yaki zai samar da tarihin tarihi wanda ya haɗu don ba da damar ci gaba da tsarin gwamnati mai cin hanci da rashawa.

Yaƙin basasa (1975-1991)

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An yi yakin basasar Angola tsakanin UNITA mai goyon bayan yamma da MPLA na kwaminisanci kuma yana da halaye na yakin basasa na zamanin Yaƙin Cold tare da gwagwarmayar da aka yi amfani da ita don kula da kayan aikin jihar tsakanin manyan mutane biyu. Kasashen yanki sun shiga bisa ga jituwa ta Cold War, har ma sojojin Cuban sun goyi bayan MLPA. Samar da mai ya fara girma, amma ba wani muhimmin rabo na kudaden shiga na gwamnati ba har zuwa ƙarshen lokacin, mafi yawan kudade sun fito ne daga goyon bayan Soviet. Tasirin Soviet ya haifar da tsarin gwamnati mai tsakiya sosai kuma mai rauni wanda karamin rukuni na mutane da ke kusa da shugaban kasa ke sarrafawa. An mallaki ƙasar Angola, albarkatu, da ababen more rayuwa a wannan lokacin, suna mai da hankali ga duk arzikin ƙasashe a cikin jihar. Yaƙin ya hana ci gaban tattalin arziki a mafi yawan ƙasar, kawai bangaren mai, soja, da biranen bakin teku ne jihar ke tallafawa. Wadannan sakamakon zasu sami tasiri mai dorewa a kan Tattalin arzikin siyasa na Angola ta hanyar hada tattalin arziki a kusa da shugaban kasa da soja da kuma bunkasa tattalin arziki. An yi jita-jita cewa cinye dukiyar jihar ya kasance mai girma a wannan lokacin, kodayake iyakantaccen haɗin kai ga tattalin arzikin duniya tare da rashin nuna gaskiya yana iyakance ilimin cikakkun bayanai da daidaito na kimantawa.

1991–2002

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Cire ikon kasashen waje a ƙarshen Yakin Cold da matsin lamba daga al'ummomin duniya ya haifar da Yarjejeniyar Bicesse ta 1991: tsarin zaman lafiya tsakanin MLPA da UNITA.[8] A sakamakon haka, an tilasta wa gwamnatin Angola fara aiwatar da sassaucin tattalin arziki da sauyawa zuwa dimokuradiyya.[9] An gudanar da zabe a shekarar 1992, duk da haka UNITA da shugabansu Jonas Savimbi sun ki yarda da cin nasara kuma yakin basasa ya biyo baya. Yaƙin basasa wanda ya daidaita abin da ya rage daga ƙauyen kuma ya kashe kimanin mutane 1000 a kowace rana tsakanin 1992 da 2002 - an katse shi da Yarjejeniyar Zaman Lafiya ta Lusaka a ranar 20 ga Nuwamba 1994 - har sai an sake dawo da yakin a 1998.[10]

Duk da yake zaɓen bai kawo zaman lafiya ba, sun ba MLPA halattaccen siyasa na duniya. MLPA ta ci gaba da kasancewa sanannen gwamnatin Angola kuma ta ci gaba lekenan fitar da mai da kasuwannin kuɗi wanda ya ba su albarkatun da ake buƙata don karfafa iko akan sabbin cibiyoyin dimokuradiyya da sabon tattalin arzikin da aka buɗe.[9] Kudin shigar da mai ya maye gurbin goyon bayan Soviet a matsayin babban tushen samun kudin shiga na Angola a wannan lokacin, yana girma zuwa ganga miliyan 1 a kowace rana a shekara ta 2002.[11][10]

Lokacin Yakin Cold ya tara iko da Jihar Angola a cikin ƙaramin rukuni; a lokaci guda, mallakar ƙasa a wannan zamanin ya tara mallakar kadarorin Angola a cikin Jihar.[9] Haɗe tare da rikice-rikice na yaƙin, MLPA ta sami damar kauce wa ingantaccen tsarin dimokuradiyya kuma a maimakon haka ƙirƙirar tsarin inda Shugaban kasa ke da babban matakin hankali da ƙananan lissafi game da kashe kuɗin gwamnati da kuma nada mukamai na gwamnati.[10] Wadannan dalilai sun ba da damar manyan matakan cin hanci da rashawa a wannan lokacin: ba da gudummawa kai tsaye ga kasafin kudin gwamnati ya zama ruwan dare: IMF ta kiyasta cewa kimanin dala biliyan 1 a kowace shekara an ware shi daga kasafin kudin jihar a wannan lokacin.[12] An yi amfani da tsarin sassaucin tattalin arziki don sayar da kadarorin jihar (kamfanoni na telecom, kafofin watsa labarai, manyan ƙasashe) ga membobin cibiyar sadarwar shugaban kasa don farashi a ƙasa da darajar kasuwa, irin waɗannan ma'amaloli galibi ana tallafawa ta rance daga jihar Angola ko bankunan. [12] [10][13][14]

2002–2018

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An sami zaman lafiya a shekara ta 2002 tare da shan kashi na UNITA, an sanya hannu kan Yarjejeniyar Luena kuma an gudanar da zabe a shekara ta 2008, kuma sabon kundin tsarin mulki ya fara aiki a shekara ta 2010. An tsara kundin tsarin mulki ba tare da tuntubar jama'a ba kuma an aiwatar da shi ba tare da amincewa da raba gardama ba.[10] Sabon kundin tsarin mulki ya kara karfin shugaban kasa ta yadda babu rarraba iko na gaskiya kuma yana iya mulki ta hanyar dokar shugaban kasa.[10]

Fitar da man fetur na Angola ya karu daga ganga miliyan 1 zuwa ganga miliyan 2 a kowace rana, yayin da farashin mai fetur ya karu daga dala 20-30 zuwa sama da $ 100 a kowace ganga. Sakamakon haka, Angola ta zama tattalin arzikin Afirka na uku mafi girma tare da GDP na dala biliyan 120 a shekarar 2013.[11] Babban farashin mai yana da la'anar albarkatu kamar sakamako: babban ribar ya ba da damar ɓoyewa mai yawa a bayan ayyukan ababen more rayuwa.[10][11]

Kodayake arzikin mai ya keɓe Angola daga ikon duniya, sun fuskanci matsin lamba don kara samar da sabis na jama'a, ƙirƙirar dokokin yaki da cin hanci da rashawa, da inganta gaskiya a bangarorin mai da na kudi. Angola ta yi irin wannan ci gaba don ci gaba da bin ka'idojin kasa da kasa da kuma ci gaba da samun dama ga kasuwannin kasa da kasa. Wadannan canje-canje ba a tilasta su ba, duk da haka; don haka babu raguwa mai yawa a cikin cin hanci da rashawa da ya faru - kawai ya ɗauki siffofi masu rikitarwa lokacin da dokokin duniya suka buƙaci.[13][15]

Abubuwan da suka gabata sun samar da tsarin kulawa na tsakiya wanda ya haɗa da dukkan fannoni na shugabanci da tattalin arziki waɗanda suka tabbatar da kasancewa masu ƙarfi. Akwai, duk da haka, wasu tsammanin canji sun faru a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. Gwamnatin Angola ta fuskanci matsin kasafin kudi tun lokacin da farashin mai ya fadi a shekarar 2014 ya rage GDP na Angola zuwa biliyan 89 a shekarar 2016.[11] Rage kudaden shiga sun sanya bashin ya zama matsala, ya haifar da karancin musayar kasashen waje, ya haifar le devaluation currency da 42% inflation a cikin 2016.[16] Ragewar samun kudin shiga ya fallasa raunin kasar kuma ya haifar da karuwar zanga-zangar cikin gida don mayar da martani ga yanayin da ke lalacewa da kuma matsa lamba ta kasa da kasa don mayar da hankali ga karuwar haɗarin rashin biyan kuɗi a cikin Bankuna da Sonangol.[17][8] Canjin siyasa ya kuma ba da dama ga sake fasalin: An zabi João Lourenço a matsayin Shugaban kasa a shekarar 2017. Tun daga wannan lokacin ya cire dangin dos Santos da sauran abokan hulɗa na kusa daga manyan mukamai kuma ya yi alkawarin inganta mulki da rage cin hanci da rashawa.[16]

Hanyoyin Cin Hanci da Rashawa

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Cin hanci da rashawa na faruwa ne idan wani mai madafa ya yi amfani da matsayinsa na gwamnati domin karkatar da dukiyar kasa zuwa hannun wasu mutane da ke da alaka da shi – wannan dabi'a ta zama ruwan dare a Angola. Shugaban kasa na nada abokansa da wadanda suke da alaka da shi a manyan mukamai a hukumomin gwamnati da kamfanonin gwamnati, daga nan sai su rika yanke hukunci a matsayin jami’an gwamnati domin su kirkiri hanyoyin doka da marasa doka na samun riba daga tattalin arzikin Angola.[9] Tsare-tsaren sun canza a hankali daga satar kudaden mai kai tsaye zuwa yin amfani da kamfanoni da manyan jami'an jam'iyya da masu ruwa da tsaki ke da iko da su domin rika kwashe dukiyar kasa ta hanyoyi kamar: sarrafa lamunin da cibiyoyin kudi na gwamnati ke bayarwa; bayar da filaye da albarkatun kasa; mallakar lasisin kasuwanci da shigo da kaya; bayar da kwangila ba tare da bin tsarin tander ba ga kamfanoninsu; da hada wasu da ba su da amfani a kwangilolin da hukumomin gwamnati da kamfanonin gwamnati ke kulla tare da biyansu kudi fiye da kima.[1][10][13][12] Wannan babbar damar karkatar da dukiya ya yiwu ne kuma ta dore na dogon lokaci saboda yadda aka mayar da ikon tafiyar da tattalin arziki da manyan cibiyoyin gwamnati hannun mutane kalilan. Wadanda ke rike da madafan iko a wadannan wurare suna samun damar yin alfarma kuma suna mulki ne bisa la'akari da bukatun masu mulki, musamman gwamnatin dos Santos.[9]

Cin Hanci da Rashawa a Hanyar Gudanar da Gwamnati

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Masu lura da Angola gaba ɗaya na ganin cewa cin hanci da rashawa ya shafi dukkan tsarin gwamnati.[9][13] Akwai matuƙar haɗuwa da kuma alaka mai ƙarfi tsakanin jami’an gwamnati da ‘yan kasuwa a Angola – hakan yana haifar da rikice-rikicen muradu da dama.[1] Ko da yake Angola na da tsarin doka da kafa kungiyoyi kamar yadda dimokuraɗiyya ta tanada, tsarin da ke tabbatar da duba juna a hukumomi da yanke hukunci ba tare da son rai ba a madadin jama’a baya aiki – maimakon haka, an bayyana tsarin a matsayin abin yaudara ga ƙasashen duniya, inda masu mulki daga kowane reshe na gwamnati ke hada kai don bai wa junansu damar amfana da dukiyar kasa.[13][10]

Zaɓe

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Hukumar gudanar da zaɓe a Angola na karkashin hukuma biyu: CNE (Kwamitin Zaɓe na Jiha) wanda ke kula da tsari da lura; da CIPE (Kwamitin Ma'aikatu da dama don Shiryawa Zaɓe) wanda ke da alhakin gudanar da zaɓen. A ka’idar, ya kamata wadannan hukumomi su duba junansu; amma a matakin tarayya, jami’an MLPA ne ke gudanar da su, sannan a matakin ƙananan hukumomi, sau da yawa mutum guda ke wakiltar duka bangarorin.[18]

Zaɓen farko da Angola ta gudanar bayan yakin basasa ya kasance a shekarar 2008. Kungiyar Cigaban Kudancin Afirka da Hukumar Tarayyar Turai sun bayyana zaɓen a matsayin wanda aka gudanar cikin adalci, amma wasu masu lura da al’amura sun bayyana cewa an samu matsaloli da tashin hankali da suka rage sahihancin zaɓen. Rijista a karkara ta kasance ƙalubale saboda buƙatar takardu, ‘yan Angola mazauna ƙasashen waje ba su samu damar kada kuri’a a ofisoshin jakadanci ba duk da dokar rijistar masu zaɓe, sannan an yi yunkurin kashe shugaban ‘yan adawa kafin zaɓen.[18] An kuma yi zargin cewa MLPA ta yi amfani da tasirin ta wajen yaudarar ra’ayin jama’a ta kafafen watsa labarai. Kafin zaɓen 2008, MLPA ta gabatar da manyan ayyukan ci gaba tare da taruka irin na kamfe, yayin da kafafen labarai ke yada rahotannin da ke zargin UNITA da tara makamai da shirin tada yaki.[8]

A watannin gabanin zaɓen 2017, kafafen yada labarai na gwamnati da kuma na masu zaman kansu da ke karkashin jagorancin jam’iyyar MLPA sun ci gaba da nuna jam’iyyar a matsayin mai nagarta da sukar UNITA kamar yadda aka yi a 2008.[11] An kuma yi zargin magudi a fili. CNE ta bayyana nasarar MLPA da kashi 65% na kuri’u; sai dai rahotannin kafafen labarai sun ce wani ma’aikaci daga ciki ya bayyana cewa wannan sakamakon ya fito ne kafin cibiyoyin kada kuri’a su mika rahoton su. UNITA ta ce ta tara ainihin sakamakon daga wuraren zaɓe na cikin gida wanda ya nuna: 47.6% ga MLPA da 40.2% ga UNITA.[11][19]

Cin Hanci da Rashawa a Hukumomi

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Yanayin kasuwanci a Angola na daya daga cikin mafi wahala a duniya saboda yawan cin hanci da kuma matsalolin gudanar da aiki. Jami’an gwamnati na bukatar cin hanci da ake kira “gasosas” a kullum; biyan irin wannan na da matukar muhimmanci wajen gudanar da kasuwanci a Angola.[1] Rahoton Bankin Duniya na 2018 ya sanya Angola ta zama ta 175 daga cikin kasashe 190 a jerin saukin yin kasuwanci.[16] Rahoton hadin gwiwar Bankin Duniya da IFC na 2010 ya nuna cewa 75% na kamfanoni sun ce cin hanci matsala ce ga kasuwanci, kuma ana sa ran za su biya cin hanci a kusan rabin mu’amalarsu da jami’an gwamnati.[20]

Yan Angola ma kan biya cin hanci don samun ayyuka na yau da kullum kamar lafiya, ilimi, rajistar mota da lasisin kasuwanci. ‘Yan sanda na karbar cin hanci a wuraren duba mota.[1]

Tattaunawa da ‘yan kasuwa a Angola sun nuna cewa samun kwangila daga gwamnati ko lasisin kasuwanci ba zai yuwu ba sai da alaka. Wannan ya fi shafar lasisin shigo da kaya, wanda ke karkashin ikon manyan jami’an MLPA ko na soji. Angola na shigo da yawancin kayayyakin da take amfani da su saboda ƙarancin masana’antu da noman da aka fi niyya don fitarwa. Sakamakon hakan shine biranen Angola na daga cikin mafi tsada a duniya, inda farashin kayayyaki ya fi ƙarfin talakawa.[13]

Rashawa a Fannin Shari’a

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Aikin shari’a shine aiwatar da doka cikin gaskiya da binciken laifuka; amma a Angola, kotu tana aiki da tsarin gwamnati. Shugaban kasa ke naɗa alkalai, da dama daga cikinsu ‘yan MLPA ne ko kuma tsoffin sojoji. Alkalai sun saba kaucewa doka ko fassara ta yadda za ta amfani kansu idan akwai rikicin muradi.[1] Tsarin shari’a ba shi da isassun ma’aikata, ba shi da isassun kudade, kuma baya aiki yadda ya kamata.[1] Akwai cunkoson shari’u sosai, kotunan ƙananan hukumomi da dama ba su aiki kwata-kwata, lamarin da ke sa jama’a komawa ga tsarin gargajiya na shari’a.[21]

Kotuna sun kuma kasance kayan aikin danniya a hannun gwamnati don yin gallaza wa ‘yan adawa. Misalai sun hada da: shari’ar da aka yi wa ɗan jarida Rafael Marquis de Morais;[22] da yanke hukuncin shekaru 6 ga mai fafutukar yankin Cabinda José Marcos Mavungo a 2015; da kuma farautar membobin ƙungiyar karatu a 2015.[17]

Sonangol da bangaren man fetur

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Man fetur ya kasance ginshikin arzikin Angola tun bayan samun 'yancin kai. Ya kasance tushen kudaden shiga na gwamnati wanda ke kara karfi sosai, banda lokutan da farashin man ya ragu. Samar da mai ya karu daga ganga 150,000 a rana a shekarar 1980 zuwa ganga 645,000 a 1995, zuwa ganga miliyan 2 a 2008. A halin yanzu, man fetur yana samar da kusan kashi 80% na kudaden shiga na gwamnati, don haka yana zama muhimmin hanya na mallakar dukiya.[10]

Kamfanin man kasar Angola, Sonangol, an kirkiro shi ne a shekarar 1976, kuma jam'iyyar MLPA ta ba shi cikakken ikon mallakar hakar mai a cikin teku. A shekarar 1980, Sonangol ta raba yankunan ruwa na Angola zuwa sassa na bincike, kuma ta bude damar neman izinin bincike ga kamfanonin kasa da kasa. Sonangol ta shiga kawance da kungiyoyi a kowanne yanki domin hako man. Sonangol ba ta da karfin bincike ko hako man a lokacin, sai dai kawai tana karbar kudade ta hanyar sayar da hakkokin hakar man.[12] Sonangol ta yi amfani da wannan damar don tara dukiya da kwarewa cikin gaggawa. A shekarar 1991, kamfanin ya fadada ya kunshi rassan da ke da hannu a dukkan fannoni na samar da mai. Duk da rashin gaskiya a harkokin kudinta da dangantakarta da gwamnati, Sonangol ta samu suna mai kyau daga kamfanonin kasa da kasa da ke aiki a Angola.[23]

Sashen man fetur na Angola yana da siffofin tattalin arziki da ke da alaka da waje: yana nesa da kasar, ba ya dogara da Angola wajen ma’aikata, jari, ababen more rayuwa ko kasuwa. Sonangol da MLPA sun tafiyar da wannan al’amari kamar yadda aka saba a gwamnati mai kwace kudade da ba da gata ga kawayenta.[12][23] Wani kaso na kudaden shiga na Sonangol ana wawashe su a kowace shekara: maimakon su shiga hannun gwamnati, biliyoyin daloli na bacewa. Wannan ya yiwu ne saboda dokokin Angola ba a bi su, Sonangol da kasafin kudin gwamnati ba su da gaskiya, sannan ana amfani da ayyuka da ba su da cikakken bayani don yaudara. Bisa ga binciken da IMF ta yi tsakanin 2007 da 2010, an wawure dala biliyan 32 ta wannan hanya.[24]

Baya ga wawure kai tsaye, Sonangol na taimakawa wajen mallakar kudi ta hanyar dabara, ciki har da: tilasta yin kawance da kamfanonin da ba sa kawo ci gaba, fifita wasu kamfanoni da suka fi kusa da gwamnati a yayin raba kwangila, fifita rassan Sonangol wajen samar da sabis, amincewa da kamfanoni su caji fiye da kima, da kuma saka masu ba da shawara marasa amfani cikin kwangiloli tare da biyan su kudi masu yawa.[13][23][12]

Manufofin gwamnati ma na bada damar cin hanci a sashen mai. Dokar “Angolanisation” da aka fara a shekarun 1980 ta wajabta daukar 'yan Angola aiki a sashen mai. A shekarun 1990 an fadada wannan doka zuwa kamfanonin Angola da ke aikin kula da rijiyoyin mai, gine-gine da sayan kayayyaki.[13] Wannan ana ganin sa a matsayin hanya ta mallakar dukiya, domin kamfanonin Angola ba sa kara daraja ko samar da ayyuka. Ana mallakar su ne da manyan jami’an gwamnati da ke da kusanci da shugaban kasa don su amfana da doka.

Wani nau’i na cin hanci da ya shafi Sonangol shine kin gina matatun mai a cikin gida. Sai daya kawai ake ginawa – Matatar Lobito – wadda kudin ta ya ninka sau uku saboda cin hanci da rashin iya gudanarwa.[25] Angola kasa ce mai arzikin mai, da gina matatu ko da daya za a iya sayar da kayan mai cikin kasa a farashi mai sauki da kuma rike ribar da gwamnati za ta samu. Sai dai maimakon haka, Angola ba ta da matatu kuma kamfanin Trafigura daga Switzerland da Cochan mallakar tsohon mataimakin shugaban kasa Manuel Vicente (wanda ya jagoranci Sonangol daga 1999 zuwa 2012), Janar Manuel Dias (“Kopelipa”) da Janar Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento “Dino” sun mallaki kasuwar shigo da kayan mai. Angola na kashe kusan dala miliyan 170 a kowane wata wajen shigo da kayan mai.[25]

Faduwar farashin mai a 2014 ta bankado matsalolin cikin gida a Sonangol. Raguwar kudaden shiga ya jefa kamfanin cikin matsin tattalin arziki, inda aka gano ayyukan cin hanci da karya dokoki. Tun 2011 suna nuna daftarin kudi mai kyau ne kawai saboda suna kara darajar kadarorinsu don boye rashin kuɗi.[26] A 2015, tsohon shugaban kwamitin Sonangol, Francisco Lemos, ya bayyana cewa Sonangol ta durkushe. Suna da bashin dala miliyan 300 da ba a biya wa kamfanin Chevron ba a 2015, sannan a 2016, Bankin Ci gaban Kasar China ya dakatar da basussuka bayan sun kasa mika mai.

A watan Yuni 2016, Shugaba dos Santos ya nada diyarsa, Isabel dos Santos, a matsayin shugabar kamfanin Sonangol. Wannan ya zama babban rikici na son kai, kasancewar tana da nasaba da siyasa da kuma kamfanoni da ke da hannu a Sonangol. Ta aikata laifukan cin hanci da dama yayin da take mulki. Ta fifita biyan bashin dala biliyan 1 da ke hannun hadin gwiwa na Trafigura-Cochan wanda ita kanta ke ciki, fiye da sauran bukatu. Hakanan ta ba kantinta - Candando - kwangilar siyan abinci na Sonangol. Har ila yau, ta sanya kamfaninta a matsayin wanda aka fi fifita wajen samar da sauran kayayyaki. Kwangilolin da Sonangol ta ba Candando sun kai daruruwan miliyoyin daloli a shekara.[27]

Cin hanci da rashawa a bangaren kudi

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Rashin ingantaccen kulawa da karkatar da dukiya babban matsala ne a tsarin bankunan Angola: zuwa shekarar 2013, an samu kusan dala biliyan $3.5 na rancen da ba a biya ba a cikin bankunan kasar. Bankunan Angola sun saba aiki da dabarun karkatar da kudi iri daya: bankunan da gwamnatin Angola ta bayar da jari ana tafiyar da su ne ta hannun mutanen da ke da alaka da shugaban kasa, wadanda suke zuba kudin a cikin gungun kamfanoni masu rikitarwa da a karshe ana sarrafa su ta hannun ‘yan amshin shatan shugaban kasar. Jarin yana zuwa ne ta hanyoyi biyu: a matsayin rance mara jingina ga kamfanonin da aka yi rajista da su a wuraren da ba a biyan haraji, sannan kamfanonin su kasa biyan rancen kuma su wanke kudin ta hanyar tsarin kudi na kasa da kasa; ko kuma kudin ya tafi wani ainihin aikin ci gaba a Angola, amma aikin yana karkashin wani kamfanin ‘yan amshin shata da suka samu kwangilar ba tare da wata gasa ba, sannan su karkatar da kudin aikin daga bisani.

BNA

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A cikin manyan damfara ta kudi a Angola a wancan lokaci, Babban Bankin Angola (wanda aka fi sani da BNA) shi ne wurin da ake zargin an aikata damfara da yawansu ya kai dala miliyan $160 da aka tura zuwa asusun kasashen waje a shekarar 2009. An gano wasu tura-turan kudi daga asusun baitulmalin Angola a Banco Espírito Santo da ke London zuwa wasu asusun kasashen waje da wadanda ake zargi ke iko da su. Lokacin da kudin ya kai iyakar da BNA ke iya izini da ita, sai BES London ta sanar da hukumomin Angola game da ci gaba da fitar da kudin. Jaridar Diario de Noticias ta kasar Portugal ce ta fallasa wannan damfara a watan Yuni na shekarar 2011. Ma’aikatan ma’aikatar kudi ta Angola da na BNA da ke Luanda da dama an yanke musu hukuncin dauri har zuwa shekaru takwas a gidan yari a shekarar 2011. Ana ci gaba da bincike a Portugal da Angola.

A shekarar 2010, an kama ma’aikata 18 da ke matakin kasa a Babban Bankin Angola da Ma’aikatar Kudi bisa zargin satar kudi da ya kai dala miliyan $137.

A shekarar 2010, wani kwamiti na binciken cin hanci da rashawa daga majalisar dattawan Amurka ya rahoto cewa, "Aguinaldo Jaime, wanda ya rike mukamin gwamnan Babban Bankin Angola daga 1999 zuwa 2002, ya fara jerin tura kudade masu yawa da suka kai dala miliyan $50 zuwa bankunan Amurka. Kowane yunkuri, bankunan sun ki amincewa da hakan bisa fargabar damfara, ko kuma su mayar da kudin bayan sun karba. Gwamnati ba ta iya bayani kan dala biliyan $2.4 da suka bace a lokacin mulkinsa ba."

FSDEA

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Asusun arzikin kasa na Angola (Fundo Soberano De Angola) an kafa shi a shekarar 2011 da jari na farko da ya kai dala biliyan $5. Shugaban kasa ya nada dansa, José Filomeno dos Santos, a matsayin shugaban asusun, wanda shi kuma ya nada abokin aikinsa Jean Claude Bastos a matsayin mai kula da asusun. Tun daga lokacin, an ci gaba da amfani da asusun bisa tsarin karkatar da kudi da aka saba amfani da shi.

A shekarar 2017, takardun Paradise Papers sun nuna cewa Jean-Claude Bastos ya karbi kudin gudanarwa har dala miliyan $90 tsakanin 2014 da 2015. Wannan kudi ya shiga cikin kamfanoninsa daban-daban da aka yi rajista a tsibirin Virgin da Mauritius. A lokacin shugabancinsa, asusun ya zuba jari a wasu ayyuka da ke da rikici na muradin kai, ciki har da tashar jiragen ruwa a yankin Cabinda da wani otal a birnin Luanda.

BESA

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Banco Espirito Santo Angola an kafa shi a 2002 daga Banco Espirito Santo, wani banki na dangi daga kasar Portugal.

A shekarar 2009, wani kamfani da Manuel Vicente da Janar Manuel Dias Júnior (wanda kuma shi ne ministan tsaro na shugaban kasa) da Janar Leopoldino Fragoso do Nascimento ke sarrafawa ya sayi kaso 24% na hannun jarin bankin da dala miliyan $375. Wannan ciniki an biya shi ne da rancen dala miliyan 400 daga Bankin Raya Kasar Angola (BAI), kuma ba a bayyana amfanin dala miliyan 25 da ya rage ba. A wancan lokaci, Manuel Vicente shi ne mataimakin shugaban kwamitin gudanarwa na BAI, wanda ke nuna rikicin muradin kai. Isabella dos Santos ma tana da kaso 19% na bankin tun daga 2006.

Binciken da KPMG da Deloitte suka gudanar kan BESA ya nuna cewa daga shekarar 2009 zuwa 2013 bankin ya yi asarar fiye da dala biliyan $5 ga rancen da ba shi da jingina da aka ba wasu kamfanoni da ba su da dukiya da aka yi rajista a kasashen waje. Wannan ya haifar da binciken cin hanci da rashawa a Portugal da ya shafi dangin Santo, ma’aikatan BES, da ‘yan Elite na Angola. Bankin BESA ya rushe a shekarar 2014.

BDA

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Bankin Raya Kasar Angola (Banco de Desenvolvimento de Angola) an kafa shi a shekarar 2006. A shekarar 2016, BDA ta bayyana cewa ta yi asarar dala miliyan $400 saboda rancen da ba a biya ba, kuma kusan kashi 70% na rancen da bankin ya taba bayarwa ba su da jingina. Paixão Franco Júnior shi ne shugaban bankin daga 2006 zuwa 2013, kuma a shekarar 2010 ya zama daya daga cikin attajiran Angola 50 ba tare da bayani mai gamsarwa ba. Rahotanni a 2013 sun danganta shi da cin hanci da rashawa.

Cin Hanci a Harkokin Gine-ginen Ababen More Rayuwa

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Tun farkon shekarun 2000, cin hanci da rashawa a harkokin gine-ginen ababen more rayuwa ya yi muni a Angola. Farashin danyen mai da ya tashi ya samar da kudade da damar karbar bashi da ake bukata domin farfado da gine-ginen kasar bayan yakin basasa, wanda hakan ya haifar da gagarumin gini a kasar. An bai wa kamfanonin da ke hannun 'yan majalisar mulki kwangiloli da dama ba tare da an yi gasa ba. Girman cin hanci ya kai matakin da, kamar yadda jaridar Portugal Expresso ta bayyana, Shugaba Dos Santos ya bai wa kamfanonin 'ya'yansa kwangiloli na gwamnati da suka haura dala biliyan 14 tsakanin shekarar 2006 zuwa 2016.[11]

Hanyar da ake amfani da ita wajen kwasar riba daga ayyukan gine-ginen ababen more rayuwa ita ce sanya farashi fiye da na gaske, sannan a mika aikin ga wata kamfani ta kasashen waje a kudi kadan. Baya ga haka, gwamnati da bankunan Angola sukan dauki mafi yawan nauyin kudin, yayin da kamfanonin 'yan amshin shata ke rike da kaso mai yawa na mallaka.[13][14]

Ginin tashar jiragen ruwa ta Cabinda mai zurfi ya bayyana yadda wannan dabara ke aiki. A shekarar 2011, an bai wa kamfanin Caioporto S.A., wanda aka kafa kwanan nan kuma mallakin Mista Bastos de Morais ne, kwangilar aikin ba tare da yin gasa ba. Tsarin farko shi ne aikin wanda zai lashe dala miliyan 500 zai samu cikakken tallafin bashin masu zaman kansu ga Caioporto, amma hakan bai samu ba. A kokarin jawo masu zuba jari, Shugaban kasa ya sake yarjejeniyar inda gwamnatin Angola za ta ba da garantin kowane bashi da aka bai wa Caioporto, kuma za ta tabbatar da kamfanin zai samu riba — wato gwamnati ce ke daukar dukkan hadarin, amma Caioporto ke rike da cikakken ikon tashar. Bayan shekaru hudu da fara aikin, babu wani jari daga masu zuba jari da aka samu, don haka Shugaba Dos Santos ya sake sauya yarjejeniyar. Farashin ya karu zuwa dala miliyan 890: gwamnati za ta karbi rance daga kasar Sin domin biyan kashi 85% na kudin, yayin da Asusun Raya Arzikin Angola (FSDEA) zai biya sauran kashi 15% a matsayin musayar mallakar kashi 50% na tashar. Kamfanin da zai aiwatar da aikin shi ne China Road and Bridge Corporation (CRBC). A karshe, Mista Bastos de Morais ya mallaki rabin tashar ba tare da ya zuba jari ko ya yi wani aiki ba. Baya ga haka, José Filomeno dos Santos ya karbi kudin shawara daga CRBC saboda taimaka musu wajen samun yarjejeniyar.[28]

Sauran manyan misalan cin hanci da rashawa a ayyukan gine-gine sun hada da: aikin lantarki na Caculo Cabaça na shekarar 2015;[28] aikin gyaran madatsar ruwa ta Luachimo a 2013;[29] ginin hasumiyar kasuwanci ta IMOB a Luanda;[30] da kuma matatar mai ta Lobito.[25]

Cin Hanci a Harkar Yada Labarai

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Jiha da masu ruwa da tsaki a MLPA suna da kusan cikakken iko da kafafen yada labarai na Angola: ana amfani da su wajen yada manufar gwamnati kuma ana takura wa masu kishin gasa.[14][8] Ko da yake dokar kafofin watsa labarai da aka zartar a shekarar 2006 ta kawo karshen mallakar gwamnati ga gidan talabijin, har yanzu tana rike da babbar tashar talabijin ta kasar, da kuma jaridar yau da kullum da tashar rediyo guda daya; tashar talabijin mai zaman kanta ta farko da aka kafa a 2008, tana hannun wani kamfani da ke da kusanci da shugaban kasa.[1] Cin hanci yana bayyana wajen yadda gwamnati ke kirkira da amfani da doka wajen muzanta 'yan jarida masu sukar gwamnati da kuma kafafen watsa labarai na adawa. Dokokin tsaron kasa da sirrin gwamnati na Angola suna haifar da barazanar daurin kurkuku ga 'yan jarida kuma an sha amfani da su wajen gurfanar da masu bincike na 'yan jarida.[15]

Shari’ar Costa

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Main article: 1990s in Angola

A watan Afrilu 1999, Gustavo Costa, wani dan jarida a jaridar Expresso, ya rubuta wani labari mai taken Cin Hanci na haifar da Asara, inda ya zargi José Leitão, babban mai ba shugaban kasa shawara, da karkatar da kudaden gwamnati. 'Yan sanda sun kama Costa suka tuhume shi da laifin batanci da cin mutunci. Babban Kotun Angola ta same shi da laifi, ta yanke masa hukuncin daurin watanni takwas wanda aka dakatar da aiwatar da shi na tsawon shekaru biyu, sannan ta ci shi tarar dala $2,000.[31]

Rafael Marques de Morais

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Rafael Marques de Morais, dan jarida kuma mai rajin kare hakkin dan adam, ya rubuta wani labari mai taken "Fentin Fuskokin Danniya" a ranar 3 ga Yuli, 1999, inda ya caccaki cin hanci da rashawa a gwamnatin Angola da kuma Shugaba dos Santos.[32][33] Hukumar Binciken Laifukan Kasa ta yi masa tambayoyi na tsawon sa’o’i a ranar 13 ga Oktoba kafin ta sake shi. Daga baya a wannan rana, Morais ya bada wata hira da Rádio Ecclésia inda ya sake sukar gwamnatin dos Santos. A ranar 16 ga Oktoba, 1999, jami’an 'yan sanda guda ashirin daga Rundunar Dakile Tashin Hankali sun kama shi tare da Aguiar dos Santos, mai wallafa jaridar Agora, da kuma Antonio José Freitas, ma’aikacin jaridar, bisa zargin cin mutunci. Marques ya bayyana cewa dos Santos ne ke da alhakin “lalata kasar… da inganta rashin kwarewa, karkatar da kudade da cin hanci a matsayin dabi'u na siyasa da al'umma.”[32][33]

A shekarar 2015, Rafael Marques de Morais ya samu hukuncin daurin watanni shida wanda aka dakatar da aiwatar da shi, bisa zargin batanci da cin mutunci, saboda ya wallafa rahoto kan take hakkin bil’adama a wuraren hakar lu’ulu’u na Angola. An zarge shi da zargin wasu manyan hafsoshin soji biyu da suka mallaki yankin hakar lu’ulu’u, da amfani da 'yan sanda da masu tsaron kamfanoni wajen korar masu hakar lu’ulu’u da ke yin gasa da su.[17] [22]

Rafael Marques de Morais ya sake gurfana a gaban kotu a watan Afrilu 2016 bisa zargin "zagin jami’in gwamnati" bisa dokar tsaron kasa ta Angola. Ya wallafa wani rahoto da ke zargin babban lauyan gwamnati, Janar João Maria de Sousa, da sauya matsayin wata filin bakin teku mai girman eka uku zuwa "kasa karkara" domin sayen ta daga hannun gwamnati da farashin $3,500, sannan ya sake sauya ta ya gina gidaje masu tsada a wurin.[34] Har ila yau, an kara masa wani zargi na "cin mutunci ga hukumomin kasa" saboda rahoton ya hada da zargin cewa shugaba dos Santos yana kare masu cin hanci. Mariano Brás, darektan jaridar mako-mako ta O Crime, shima ya fuskanci irin wannan tuhuma saboda ya wallafa rahoton.[22]

Yaki da cin hanci a cikin gida

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Ko da yake Shugaba dos Santos ya fara bayyanawa a fili cewa yana goyon bayan manufar “tsayayyen mataki” kan cin hanci a shekarar 2009, aiwatar da dokokin da ake da su a cikin gida bai taka kara ya karya ba, kuma hukumomin da ke da alhakin bincike sun kasa yin aikinsu yadda ya kamata.[15] Manufar yaki da cin hanci da rashawa a cikin gida a Angola ta kasance kawai shinge ne na nuna gaskiya a zamanin mulkin dos Santos, domin shi ne babban tushen manufofin gwamnati da kuma wanda ya fi cin moriyar cin hanci a kasar.[23][13][15]

Sai dai ana iya samun sauyi a gaba. João Lourenço ya zama shugaban MLPA kuma aka zabe shi Shugaban kasa a ranar 23 ga Agusta, 2017. Ya sha alwashin yaki da cin hanci da kuma inganta tsarin mulki; amma duk da haka, al’adar cin hanci da ta mamaye kowanne bangare na gwamnati da kuma wadanda suka rike madafun iko a majalisa, gwamnati, bangaren shari’a, sojoji, da kasuwanci na ci gaba da kasancewa babban kalubale. Duk da haka, ba sabon abu ba ne ga wata gwamnati da ta yi kaurin suna da cin hanci ta dauki matakan gyara a wasu sassa na tattalin arziki idan hakan yana da amfani ga mulkinta (kamar yadda aka gani a kasashen Philippines da Indonesia).[35][36] Ci gaba da faduwar farashin mai da kuma matsin lamba daga kasashen waje na iya sa a dauki matakan gyara a muhimman sassa kamar kula da bankuna, karbar haraji, ko kwangilolin gine-gine. Amma hakan na bukatar kafa hukumomin yaki da cin hanci da rashawa da za su samu isasshen kudade da ‘yanci domin gudanar da bincike da gurfanar da masu laifi yadda ya kamata kuma ba tare da tsangwama ba.[35]

Idan har aka samu kwarin gwiwar siyasa, Angola za ta bukaci kara inganta hanyoyin bayyana gaskiya da duba ayyukan gwamnati domin hukumomin da ake da su yanzu su samu damar yaki da cin hanci. Hakan zai bukaci karin kudi sosai da kuma sake fasalin ikon da wadannan hukumomin ke da shi. Ganin irin matsayi da Angola ke ciki yanzu, hakan zai kama da cikakken gyara ne ga tsarin aikin gwamnati gaba daya.

Sauyin Siyasa

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

João Lourenço ya zama shugaban ƙasa a ranar 23 ga Agusta, 2017. Ya kasance ɗan jam'iyyar MLPA tun yana matashi a lokacin yaƙin mulkin mallaka. Ya bi hanyar siyasar da ta dace da MLPA: ya sami horon soja da ilimi a Tarayyar Soviet; sannan ya kasance cikin rundunar soja a cikin shekarun 1980; daga baya ya zama sakatare janar daga 1998–2002; sannan mamba a majalisar dokoki ta ƙasa daga 2002-2014 kafin a naɗa shi ministan tsaro. [16] Duk da dogon tarihin aikinsa da jam’iyyar MLPA, tarihin cin hancin sa yana da tsabta fiye da yadda aka saba, kuma dukiyarsa da harkokin kasuwancinsa - ko da yake suna da yawa - ba su kai na wadanda suka fi kusanci da shugaba dos Santos ba. [11]

Shugaba Lourenço ya gabatar da kansa a matsayin mai kawo sauyi. Tun bayan zaben sa, ya bayyana aniyarsa ta: inganta gaskiya da amana a cikin gwamnati; kara gaskiya da daukar nauyin ayyuka; fadada tattalin arziki; bunkasa kungiyoyin farar hula masu zaman kansu; da rage takunkumin kafafen yada labarai. [37]

Sai dai rashin tabbas na kasancewarsa mai kishin sauyi yana nan, domin ana rade-radin cewa akwai yarjejeniya tsakaninsa da dos Santos kafin mika mulki, inda Lourenço ya amince da kare muradun doka, tattalin arziki da siyasa na kusoshin dos Santos. [16][11] Amma a sabanin wannan jita-jita: Shugaba Lourenço ya kore kusoshin cin hanci daga mukamansu (Manuel Vicente, Janar Helder ‘Kopelipa’ Vieira Dias, Isabel dos Santos, Eduardo dos Santos, Jean Claude Bastos de Morais); ya mayar da hankali kan harkokinsu na kasuwanci; har ma ya fara daukar matakin shari’a. [11][16]

Ya kuma fara kai hari kan harkokinsu na tattalin arziki da hanyoyin da suke amfani da su. A jawabin rantsar da shi, ya ambaci kamfanonin siminti da na sadarwa da Isabel dos Santos ke rike da su. [11] Daga nan sai ya rufe GRECIMA, cibiyar yada labaran shugaban ƙasa, a ƙarshen 2017. GRECIMA ta fuskanci zargin karkatar da miliyoyin daloli zuwa kamfanin Semba Comunicação, mallakin Isabel da Jose Filomeno dos Santos a cikin shekarun baya. [11] A 2011, adadin ya kai dala miliyan 110. [14]

A watan Maris 2018, ofishin babban lauya ya tuhumi Jose Filomeno dos Santos da Valter Filipe bisa yunkurin tura dala miliyan 500 daga Babban Bankin Angola (BNA) zuwa wani asusu a Landan. Hukumar Birtaniya ta gano wannan badakala kuma ta toshe kudaden. [38] Wadannan matakai na nuni da cewa Shugaba Lourenço na da niyyar yakar cin hanci da rashawa da gaske, amma har yanzu shari’ar na ci gaba (a lokacin rubuta wannan), don haka ba za a iya tabbatar da sakamako ba, ko kuwa zai ci gaba da hukunta masu laifi bayan kawayen dos Santos.

A watan Nuwamba 2017, Shugaba Lourenço ya gayyaci ma’aikatan IMF zuwa Angola domin shiryawa ganawa ta musamman da aka kammala a Maris 2018. Rahoton farko na IMF ya yabawa gwamnatin Lourenço kuma yana nuna alamar cewa za su iya aiwatar da gyara a kamfanonin gwamnati, bankuna da tsarin mulki (kuma wataƙila dole ne su yi hakan idan farashin man fetur ya ci gaba da faduwa). Za a fitar da cikakken rahoton a watan Mayu 2018. [39]

Yawancin matakan da Shugaba Lourenço ke dauka sun sami yabo, har ma daga wadanda ke sukar gwamnati tun da dadewa. Har yanzu yana da goyon bayan jam'iyyar MLPA da rundunar soja; sai dai har yanzu ba a tabbatar ko zai zama mai sauyi na gaskiya ba, ko kuwa kawai yana kokarin kawar da gungun wanda ya gada ne, domin karfafa mulkinsa da kuma neman amincewar jama’a da kasashen waje ta hanyar nuna yakar cin hanci. [18][11] Ko da kuwa Shugaba Lourenço yana da burin yin sauyi, akwai yiwuwar cewa jam'iyyar MLPA ba za ta yarda da babban sauyi da zai shafi matsayinsu ba. Ko da yake ya cire kusoshin dos Santos, sauran manyan ‘yan jam’iyyar suna da rassa a cikin tattalin arzikin ƙasa, kuma yana da wuya su yarda da sauyi mai girma da zai shafi matsayin su na gata. [11] Amma yana yiwuwa zuwan sabon shugaban ƙasa - a cikin halin matsin tattalin arziki da zanga-zanga, da matsin lamba daga ƙasashen waje, da taimakon doka daga ƙasashen waje - zai iya samar da dama ga ci gaba. [11] Bukatar samun sahihanci da ingantaccen tsarin kudade na gwamnati na iya haifar da sulhu tsakanin masu rike da iko da sabon mulki, ta yadda za a bai wa hukumomin yaki da cin hanci damar tunkarar matsaloli a matakin kasa ko kuma a bangarorin tattalin arziki da suka zama dole ga dorewar tsarin mulkin.

Akwai kuma wasu hujjoji da ke nuna rashin gaskiya na Shugaba Lourenço. A watan Fabrairu 2018, an zarge shi da cin moriyar wata harka da ke da ruɗani. An sayar da jiragen fasinja guda 5 mallakin gwamnatin Angola ga kamfanoni 3 da ke da alaka da shugaban: SJL-Aeronautica, mallakin dan uwansa; Sociedade Agropecuária de Angola, mallakin Janar Higino Carneiro, mataimakin shugaban majalisa; da Air Jet, mallakin tsohon jami’in sojan sama, António de Jesus Janota Bete. An sayar da jiragen ba tare da bayyana adadin kudin ba kuma babu wata gasa da aka gudanar. [40]

Dokoki

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Angola na da dokoki masu kyau da suka shafi yaki da cin hanci da rashawa, sai dai ba a yawan aiwatar da su ba.[15][41] Wadannan dokoki da ke kasa sune manyan dokoki da Angola ke da su wajen yaki da cin hanci da rashawa. Haɗin su yana hana mafi yawan nau'o'in rashawa ta fuskar doka, amma aikace-aikacen dokokin yana tafiya ne ta hanyar tsarin shari'a na al'ada, ba tare da wata hukuma ta musamman da ke da ikon bincike da gurfanarwa ba.

Dokar Cinikin Jama'a (2006)

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Dokar Cinikin Jama'a ita ce ke tsara tsarin kwangiloli na gwamnati, kuma tana dauke da sharudda da suka shafi bangarorin gwamnati da masu zaman kansu. Wannan doka na hana ayyukan rashawa, amma ba ta da hanyoyin tabbatar da hukunci sai dai tanadin da ke nuna cewa duk wata kwangila da aka kulla ba bisa doka ba ta rushe da kanta.[15]

Dokar Tabbataccen Halayen Jama'a (2010)

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Dokar tabbataccen halayen jama'a na tsara yadda jami'an gwamnati za su kasance a Angola. Tana da cikakken tanadi wajen hana rashawa, duk da cewa tana da gibin da ya rage tasirinta, sannan ba ta da cikakken tsarin bincike da hukunta masu laifi. Tana ba mutane damar kai ƙara zuwa kotu, wadda ita ce ke yanke shawara ko za a ci gaba da bincike ko a'a.[15] Tsarin ba shi da gaskiya, kuma idan kotu ba ta ci gaba da binciken ba, ba a ba mai ƙara wata hanya ta ci gaba da shari'a, musamman ganin yadda tsarin shari'a ke fama da ƙarancin kuɗi da tasirin siyasa.[41] Wannan doka ma na dauke da tanadin hana batanci wanda aka saba amfani da shi wajen gurfanar da 'yan jarida da ke bayyanar da zargin rashawa.[15] A cikin wani yanayi na rashin amana ga hukumomi da tarihin tashin hankali, waɗannan dalilai na hana mutane kai ƙara da kuma ganin an kai batun zuwa gaban kotu.

Dokar Tabbataccen Halaye na dauke da wasu gurabe da za a iya amfani da su wajen kauce wa hukunci. Dokar na bada dama ga jami’an gwamnati su karbi kyaututtuka a wasu lokuta: (i) kayan da za a iya mikawa ga gwamnati ko hukumominta; (ii) kyaututtuka da suka dace da al’adun diflomasiyya wadanda ba su zubar da kimar gwamnati ba; (iii) kyaututtuka na shagulgula irin su ranar haihuwa, aure da sabuwar shekara.[15] Ko da yake dokar ta haramta jerin abubuwa da yawa da ba a yarda a baiwa jami'in gwamnati ba, akwai gurabe da suka bar kafa irin su kayan ado da hannun jarin kamfanoni.

Dokar na kuma bukatar dukkan jami'an gwamnati su bayyana dukiyarsu duk bayan shekara biyu, amma bayanan ba su da buɗaɗɗen samuwa ga jama'a sai kotu ta bayar da umarni idan hakan ya danganci wani bincike. Babu cikakken tsarin dubawa, don haka ana iya cika wannan sharadi cikin karya.[15]

Dokoki kan Wanke Kuɗi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Angola na da dokoki da suka shafi yaki da wanke kuɗi wadanda suka haɗa da: Dokar Yaki da Wanke Kuɗi da Tallafawa Ta’addanci; da Dokar Hukunta da Aiwatar da Dokokin Kasa da Kasa. Dokokin na hana ayyukan da ake sa ran hana su, ciki har da buƙatar bada rahoto daga cibiyoyin kudi.

Akwai kuma dokar 2015 wadda ke la'akari da aikata laifuka da suka shafi wanke kuɗi wadda ta fi takaitaccen sunanta girma. Wannan doka ta haɗa da tanade-tanade da dama da ke hana aikata laifuka daban-daban kuma an samar da ita ne domin Angola ta bi tsarin yarjejeniyoyin ƙasa da ƙasa da ta rattaba hannu a kansu. Sai dai dokar na fuskantar suka saboda hukuncin laifukan da take dauke da su ba su da tsauri sosai, kuma ana iya rage su idan an dawo da kuɗin da aka samu daga rashawa.[15]

Hukumar Kula

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Hukumar kula mai tasiri tana da: 'yancin kai daga tasirin siyasa; cikakken ikon doka (ba tare da kariya ga mukamai na gwamnati ba); ikon da kuma ƙwarewa don bincike da gurfanar da shari'o'in cin hanci da rashawa; tsarin kotu mai 'yancin kai da ƙwarewa don gudanar da shari'o'in cikin sauri (a mafi kyawun hali a matsayin kotu daban da kotunan gargajiya wadda ta ƙware kan cin hanci da rashawa); ma’aikata masu ƙwarewa da shugabanci da aka rarraba; hanyoyin duba aiki da kimantawa.[35]

Ko da yake Angola tana da wasu hukumomin yaki da cin hanci da rashawa, galibinsu ba su da waɗannan siffofi da aka ambata.[15][1][41] Duk da haka, tsarin doka da cibiyoyin da suka kamata a samu suna nan. Hukumomin Angola da ke da alhakin yaki da cin hanci da rashawa sune:

  1. Akwai wani sashen da ke kula da cin hanci da rashawa a ofishin babban lauya janar, amma shugaban wannan sashen shugaban kasa ne ke nada shi, kuma shari'o'i ana yi dasu a kotun gargajiya, don haka tasirin wannan sashen ya dogara ne da nufin siyasa daga sama da kuma ƙwarewar kotuna.[15]
  2. Ofishin Ombudsman an kafa shi ne a shekara ta 2005. Ayyukansa sun haɗa da karɓar koke-koken 'yan ƙasa dangane da hakkinsu da bayar da rahotanni tare da shawarwari. Yana miƙa rahotanni duk bayan rabin shekara ga Kwamitin Majalisar Dokoki ta Ƙasa; rahotannin ba sa samun kulawa sosai kuma ba sa haifar da wani aiki. Majalisar dokoki ce ke zaɓar Ombudsman da kuri’u 2/3; an bayyana damuwa kan ‘yancin ofishin daga tasirin siyasa.[21]
  3. Kotun Binciken Kuɗi, wadda shugaban ta ke samun nadin shugaban ƙasa, tana da alhakin duba yadda ake kashe kuɗin gwamnati. Wannan hukuma tana da ikon gudanar da bincike, amma sai ta miƙa rahotonta ga kotu domin yanke shawarar ci gaba da bincike ko gurfanarwa. Ba a fitar da sakamakon binciken ga jama'a ba.[21]
  4. Hukumar Bayanan Kuɗi ta ƙasar an kafa ta ne a shekarar 2011 kuma tana da alhakin dubawa da kulawa da bankunan Angola.[15] Su ne ke karɓar rahotannin da dokar ta wajabta kuma suna da alhakin yin aiki tare da hukumomin ‘yan sanda da na kasashen waje masu kula da harkar kuɗi. A shekarar 2013, Hukumar Financial Action Task Force (FATP) ta soki dokokin Angola na yaki da safarar kuɗi da kuma hukumar FIU saboda gazawar su wajen: hana safarar kuɗi da kuɗin ta’addanci; kafa da aiwatar da tsarin doka na karɓar dukiyar da ke da alaƙa da safarar kuɗi da gano da kuma kulle dukiyar 'yan ta’adda cikin gaggawa; tabbatar da aikin hukumar FIU; da kuma tabbatar da cewa an kafa doka da hanyoyin da suka dace don bayar da taimakon doka tsakanin ƙasashe.[42] Sai dai a 2016, FATP ta bayyana cewa Angola ta samu ci gaba sosai har ba a buƙatar ci gaba da sanya ido a kanta - kodayake har yanzu suna aiki tare da ƙasar domin inganta dokoki da cibiyoyin AML.[43]

Kafofin yada labarai, ƙungiyoyin farar hula da adawa

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Kafofin yada labarai masu sukar gwamnati, ƙungiyoyin farar hula masu aiki, da kuma zanga-zanga na iya taimakawa wajen kawo sauyi. Za su iya yada fahimta a hankali, canza al’ada, kuma su sa gyare-gyare su kasance cikin ajandar gwamnati. A cikin lamarin Angola, waɗannan abubuwan an dinga danniya akansu, wanda hakan ya rage girman tasirinsu. Kasancewar zanga-zanga da buƙatar danniya na iya haifar da illoli ga zaman lafiyar tsarin mulki idan danniya ta yi yawa kuma matsin tattalin arziki ya ta'azzara har ya jawo zanga-zangar da za ta rikita tsarin mulki (irin lamarin da ya faru a lokacin Guguwar Larabawa).[44][11]

Wani motsin zanga-zanga ya bayyana a shekarar 2011 bayan kiran da mawakin Angola kuma mai rajin yaki da cin hanci Luaty Beirao ya yi na gudanar da zanga-zanga; duk da haka, kaɗan ne kawai daga cikin zanga-zangar da aka yi a waccan shekarar kuma ‘yan sanda suka tarwatsa su cikin gaggawa. Adadin masu zanga-zanga ya karu kadan kafin zaɓen, amma wasu maza da ba su saka kayan jami’an tsaro ba za su bayyana su yi wa masu zanga-zangar duka. Ba a kai ga samun ƙungiyar da ta haɗu gaba ɗaya daga cikin masu zanga-zangar ba, duk da haka suna kiran kansu da Revolucionária (Matasa 'Yan Juyin Juya Hali) kuma suna da ɗan ƙaramin shafi a kafafen sada zumunta. Mambobi kuma na hulɗa da ƙungiyoyin adawa a matsayin mutane.[17]

Zanga-zanga ta ci gaba da faruwa lokaci-lokaci har zuwa shekarar 2017 sakamakon ƙorafe-ƙorafen siyasa da na tattalin arziki, da kuma a kan lokuta na danniya. Musamman a matsayin martani ga kama da yajin yunwar Luaty Beirao a 2015, da kuma bayyanar rahoto a 2013 dangane da kisan gilla da aka yi wa tsofaffin masu tsaron shugaban ƙasa biyu a 2012, da kuma bayanan da suka biyo baya dangane da kisan gilla a lokacin mulkin dos Santos har zuwa 2016.[45][17] Yawan masu zanga-zanga ya ƙaru, duk da haka bai kai matakin yawan jama'a ba; har yanzu ba a san ko wannan motsin zai shafi manufofin Shugaba Lourenço ba, ko kuwa za a ci gaba da danniya ne.[44]

Manazarta

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  1. ↑ 1.00 1.01 1.02 1.03 1.04 1.05 1.06 1.07 1.08 1.09 1.10 1.11 1.12 "Overview of corruption and anti-corruption in Angola" (PDF). Transparency International. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2020-11-25. Retrieved 2025-06-16.
  2. ↑ "The ABCs of the CPI: How the Corruption Perceptions Index is calculated". Transparency.org (in Turanci). 11 February 2025. Retrieved 13 February 2025.
  3. ↑ Angola, Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Comoros, Côte d'Ivoire, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Djibouti, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Gabon, Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Kenya, Lesotho, Republic of the Congo, Swaziland, Liberia, Madagascar, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Mauritius, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Sao Tome and Principe, Senegal, Seychelles, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, South Sudan, Sudan, Tanzania, Togo, Uganda, Zambia, and Zimbabwe.
  4. ↑ Banoba, Paul; Mwanyumba, Robert; Kaninda, Samuel. "CPI 2024 for Sub-Saharan Africa: Weak anti-corruption measures undermine climate action". Transparency.org (in Turanci). Retrieved 13 February 2025.
  5. ↑ "Corruption Perceptions Index 2024: Angola". Transparency.org (in Turanci). Retrieved 13 February 2025.
  6. ↑ "Index of Economic Freedom". The Heritage Foundation. 2008. Archived from the original on 2008-01-09. Retrieved 2008-01-21.CS1 maint: unfit url (link)
  7. ↑ Andersson, Staffan; Heywood, Paul M. (2009). "The Politics of Perception: Use and Abuse of Transparency International's Approach to Measuring Corruption". Political Studies. 57 (4): 746–767. doi:10.1111/j.1467-9248.2008.00758.x. S2CID 145561313.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 8.3 Pearce, Justin (2015). "Contesting the Past in Angolan Politics". Journal of Southern African Studies. 41 (1): 103–119. doi:10.1080/03057070.2015.991189. S2CID 143813850.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 9.5 Messiant, Christine (2001). "The Eduardo Dos Santos Foundation: Or, how Angola's regime is taking over civil society". African Affairs. 100 (399): 287–309. doi:10.1093/afraf/100.399.287. JSTOR 3518769.
  10. ↑ 10.00 10.01 10.02 10.03 10.04 10.05 10.06 10.07 10.08 10.09 Garcia-Rodriguez, Jose L. (2015). "Oil, Power, and Poverty in Angola". African Studies Review. 58 (1): 159–176. doi:10.1017/asr.2015.8. S2CID 145277125.
  11. ↑ 11.00 11.01 11.02 11.03 11.04 11.05 11.06 11.07 11.08 11.09 11.10 11.11 11.12 11.13 11.14 11.15 Pearce, Justin; Soares de Oliveira, Ricardo; PÉCLARD, Didier (January 2017). "Angola's elections and the politics of presidential succession". African Affairs. 117 (466): 146–160. doi:10.1093/afraf/adx045.
  12. ↑ 12.0 12.1 12.2 12.3 12.4 12.5 Philippe Le Billion (2007). "Drilling in deep water: oil, business and war in Angola". In Kaldor, Mary (ed.). Oil Wars. London: Pluto Press. pp. 106–107.
  13. ↑ 13.00 13.01 13.02 13.03 13.04 13.05 13.06 13.07 13.08 13.09 Ovadia, Jesse Salah (2013). "The reinvention of elite accumulation in the Angolan oil sector: emergent capitalism in a rentier economy". Cadernos de Estudos Africanos. 25 (25): 33–63. doi:10.4000/cea.839.
  14. ↑ 14.0 14.1 14.2 14.3 de Morais, Rafael Marquis. "The Angolan Presidency: the epicentre of Corruption" (PDF). Maka Angola.
  15. ↑ 15.00 15.01 15.02 15.03 15.04 15.05 15.06 15.07 15.08 15.09 15.10 15.11 15.12 15.13 Fiejo, Carlos; Nadoff, Norman (2014). "Where there's a will there's a way: making Angola's probity laws work". Journal of World Energy Law and Business. 7 (3): 183–201. doi:10.1093/jwelb/jwu019.
  16. ↑ 16.0 16.1 16.2 16.3 16.4 16.5 "Angola's uncertain transition". Strategic Comments. 23 (10): xii–xiv. December 2017. doi:10.1080/13567888.2017.1416790. S2CID 219693783.
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 17.2 17.3 17.4 Pearce, Justin (May 2016). "Youthful dissent challenges Angola's Old Elite". Current History. 115 (781): 175–180. doi:10.1525/curh.2016.115.781.175.
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 Schubert, Jon (2010). "'Democratisation' and the Consolidation of Political Authority in Post-War Angola". Journal of Southern African Studies. 36 (3): 657–672. doi:10.1080/03057070.2010.507572. S2CID 145174611.
  19. ↑ De Morais, Rafael Marqui (25 August 2017). "ANGOLAN VOTE COUNT FLOUTED THE RULES". Maka Angola. Retrieved 8 April 2018.
  20. ↑ "Enterprise Survey: Angola". The World Bank Group.
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 21.2 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named TI2010expertanswer
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 Marquis de Morais, Rafael (20 April 2018). "THE RUNAWAY PLAINTIFF MAKING A MOCKERY OF JUSTICE IN ANGOLA". Maka Angola. Retrieved 21 April 2018.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 De Oliveira, Ricardo Soares (2007). "Business success, Angola-style: postcolonial politics and the rise and rise of Sonangol". Journal of Modern African Studies. 45 (4): 595–619. doi:10.1017/S0022278X07002893. S2CID 155027088.
  24. ↑ Bandon, Anete (March 2013). "Corruption and Human Rights in Third World Countries" (PDF). European Parliament. Directorate General for External Policies of the Union. Retrieved 24 April 2018.
  25. ↑ 25.0 25.1 25.2 de Morais, Rafael Marquis (21 July 2016). "Sonangol's Billion Dollar Headache". Maka Angola.
  26. ↑ de Morais, Rafael Marquis (6 July 2016). "Sonangol's debt woes". Maka Angola. Retrieved 25 April 2018.
  27. ↑ Campos, Graca (24 November 2016). "Oil: a lesson in handwashing for daddy's girl". Maka Angola.
  28. ↑ 28.0 28.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named MakaPort
  29. ↑ de Morais, Rafael Marquis (12 April 2017). "Dams for the Damned". Maka Angola.
  30. ↑ de Morais, Rafael Marquis. "President' dos Santos' Web: Con after Con after Con". akaAngola.[permanent dead link]
  31. ↑ James, W. Martin (2004). Historical Dictionary of Angola. p. 41.
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 "Marques gets six months for defaming president". Committee to Protect Journalists. Retrieved 2008-01-21.
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 "Views of the Human Rights Committee under the Optional Protocol to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, Eighty-third session, Communication No. 1128/2002". Open Society Institute via United Nations Human Rights Committee. Retrieved 2008-01-21.
  34. ↑ Marquis de Morais, Rafael (3 November 2016). "Lawless Lawmen". Maka Angola. Retrieved 21 April 2018.
  35. ↑ 35.0 35.1 35.2 Bolongaita, Emil P. (August 2010). "An Exception to the Rule". Anti-Corruption Resource Center. 4: 6–29.
  36. ↑ Klitgaard, Robert (1988). Controlling Corruption. Berkeley: University of California Press. pp. 52–97.
  37. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named schubert2017Elections
  38. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named MakaIdictment
  39. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named IMF2018
  40. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named makaNPcor
  41. ↑ 41.0 41.1 41.2 "Angola Corruption Report". Business anti-corruption Portal. Archived from the original on 26 April 2018. Retrieved 17 April 2018.
  42. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Fatf2013
  43. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Fatf2016
  44. ↑ 44.0 44.1 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Schubert Epilogue
  45. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named makaKillings
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