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Dimokuradiyya a Iraki

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.

 

Democracy in Iraq is a fledgling process, but Iraq achieved a more democratic approach than most surrounding countries.[1] Iraq has a score of 3.51 of ten on the 2021 The Economist Democracy Index, which is considered authoritarian. Iraq scored 0.362 on the V-Dem Electoral Democracy Index in 2023, ranking 3rd in the Middle East and 115th worldwide. Numerous wars, corruption, and civil and ethnic conflict in Iraq have made it difficult for a stable democratic government to emerge.[2]

Dangane da Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Iraki, gwamnatin Iraki ta wakilci ne na tarayya na dimokuradiyya. Tsarin jam'iyyun da yawa ne inda Firayim Minista na majalisa Ministoci ke amfani da ikon zartarwa a matsayin shugaban gwamnati, da kuma Shugaban Iraki, kuma ana ba da ikon majalisa a Majalisar Wakilai.[3] Firayim Ministan Iraki ya nada Majalisar Ministoci, wanda ke aiki a matsayin majalisar ministoci.[4]

Tarihi

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Faisal I, Sarkin Iraki daga 1921 zuwa 1933

Iraki a tarihi (kafin 2003) ta kasance ƙarƙashin mulkin sarakuna da masu mulkin kama karya [5] kuma ba ta taɓa zama dimokuradiyya ba. Shekaru da yawa, Kurdawa sun yi gwagwarmaya don mulkin kai da 'yancin kai daga Iraki a cikin abin da aka sani da rikici na Iraki da Kurdawa. A shekara ta 1992, Kurdawa sun kafa nasu gwamnati, Gwamnatin Yankin Kurdistan .

Daga 1831 zuwa 1917 Iraki tana ƙarƙashin ikon Daular Ottoman . Daular Burtaniya ta kayar da Ottomans a 1917 kuma ta fara mulkin kasar a matsayin Mandate na Burtaniya na Iraki .[6] Damuwa da tashin hankali a cikin ƙasar da aka ba da umarni, Burtaniya ta yanke shawarar komawa baya daga gudanarwa kai tsaye kuma ta kirkiro mulkin mallaka don jagorantar Iraki yayin da suke riƙe da umarnin. A watan Maris na shekara ta 1921, a Taron Alkahira, Birtaniya ta yanke shawarar cewa dan takara mai kyau don yin mulki na tilastawa Iraki zai zama Faisal I saboda halin sulhu da yake da shi ga manyan iko kuma bisa ga shawarar T. E. Lawrence (wanda aka fi sani da Lawrence na Arabiya). Don haka, Burtaniya ta sanya mulkin mallaka na Hāshimite a Iraki kuma ta ayyana iyakokin yankin Iraki ba tare da la'akari da siyasar kabilanci da addinai daban-daban a kasar ba, musamman na Kurdawa da Assuriyawa a arewa.[7] A sakamakon haka, a lokacin mulkin mallaka na Burtaniya, Shi'ites da Kurds sun yi yaƙi don samun 'yancin kai.[8]

A cikin 1932, Burtaniya ta ba da 'yancin kai ga Masarautar Iraki. Faisal na II mulki har zuwa mutuwarsa a 1933, wanda dansa, Ghazi I (1933-39), da ɗan Ghazi, Faisal II (1939-58) suka gaje shi.

A shekara ta 1958, wani juyin mulki da aka sani da juyin juya halin 14 ga Yuli ya jagoranci Brigadier Janar Abd al-Karim Qasim . Wannan tawaye ya kasance mai tsayayya mai mulkin mallaka da noma tsayayya a cikin yanayi kuma yana da karfi na gurguzu. An kashe mutane da yawa a juyin mulkin, ciki har da Sarki Faysal II, Yarima Abd al-Ilah, da Nuri al-Sa'id . Qasim ya mallaki Iraki ta hanyar mulkin soja kuma a cikin 1958 ya fara aiwatar da rage yawan ƙasar da 'yan ƙasa suka mallaka kuma ya sa jihar ta sake raba ƙasar. Kanal Abdul Salam Arif ne ya hambarar da shi a juyin mulkin watan Fabrairun 1963. Bayan rasuwarsa a shekarar 1966, ɗan'uwansa, Abdul Rahman Arif, ya gaje shi, wanda Jam'iyyar Ba'ath ta hambarar da shi a shekarar 1968. Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr ya zama shugaban Ba'ath na farko na Iraki amma daga nan kuma motsi a hankali ya zo ƙarƙashin ikon Saddam Hussein, wanda ya shiga shugabancin da kuma kula da Majalisar Kwamandan Juyin Juya Halin (RCC), sannan babban hukumar Iraki, a watan Yulin 1979. Iraki a karkashin Saddam Hussein an dauke ta mulkin kama karya. Sabuwar gwamnatin ta sabunta yankunan karkara da yankunan karfe na Iraki, ta samar da aikin gona da kuma kafa hadin gwiwar gona.[9] Koyaya, burin Hussein nan da nan ya kai shi ga shiga cikin rikice-rikice daban-daban, tare da sakamako mai banƙyama ga ababen more rayuwa na Iraki.[10] Hussein, wani Sunni Arab, ya murkushe tashin hankali na Kurdawa a lokacin yakin Iran-Irak ta amfani da makamai masu guba da sauran hanyoyin da suka kashe Kurdawa 100,000-200,000. [11]

A lokacin Yaƙin Cold, Amurka da Tarayyar Soviet sun yi gasa don abokantaka a Gabas ta Tsakiya wanda ya haifar da Iraki ta sanya hannu kan Yarjejeniyar Abokantaka da Haɗin Kai na shekaru 15 tare da Tarayyen Soviet a ranar 9 ga Afrilu 1972. A cewar masanin tarihi Charles R. H. Tripp, yarjejeniyar ta damu da "tsarin tsaro na Amurka da aka kafa a matsayin wani ɓangare na Yakin Cold a Gabas ta Tsakiya. Ya bayyana cewa duk wani abokin gaba na gwamnatin Baghdad ya kasance mai yuwuwar abokin tarayya na Amurka".[12]

Ayyukan Amurka (2003-2011)

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Siffar Saddam Hussein da aka hambarar a filin Firdos na Baghdad a shekara ta 2003

Wani mamayewar da Amurka ta jagoranta a Iraki a shekara ta 2003 ya kori gwamnatin Saddam Hussein, don manufar kawar da makamai masu hallaka jama'a.[13] Ba da daɗewa ba, inganta Dimokuradiyya ya zama burin Amurka na biyu a Iraki.[13]

Daga Mayu 2003 har zuwa Yuni 2004, Hukumar hadin gwiwa ta Amurka (CPA) ta mallaki Iraki, wanda tun daga watan Yulin 2003 Majalisar Gwamnatin Iraqi ta taimaka, wanda ya kunshi shugabannin kabilun da CPA ta nada don ba da shawara ga gwamnatin wucin gadi ta CPA. A watan Yunin shekara ta 2004 an sake mika ikon mallakar Iraki daga Amurka ga Gwamnatin wucin gadi ta Iraqi karkashin jagorancin Firayim Minista na wuciniki Ayad Allawi, kuma masu jefa kuri'a na Iraki sun tafi zabe a watan Janairun shekara ta 2005 don zabar 'yan majalisa 275 zuwa Majalisar Dokokin Iraqi. Kungiyar ta wucin gadi ce da aka ba ta aikin rubuta kundin tsarin mulkin kasar. Wani zabe ya biyo baya a watan Disamba na shekara ta 2005 don zabar mambobin majalisar dokoki ta dindindin.

Wadannan zabuka sun haifar da "gwamnatin hadin kan kasa" - wanda shine kalmar sirri ga gwamnatin da aka gina tare da tsarin <i id="mw7w">muhasasa</i> [14] - a watan Mayu, 2006, wanda ya kunshi manyan jam'iyyun hudu a cikin majalisa mai kujeru 275: United Iraqi Alliance (UIA) (kujeru 128) wanda ya hada da dukkan manyan jam'iyyar Shi'a; Kurdistan Alliance (kujeru 53) wanda ya kunshe da manyan jam'yyun (mai mulki) na Iraqi Kurdistan; Iraqi Accord Front (Tawaq) jam'iyyuwa) (44 jam'iyayya) sun hada da Jam'iyyun) Koyaya, Hare-haren masu tayar da kayar baya da sauran tashin hankali sun zama ruwan dare kuma sun tsawaita rashin kwanciyar hankali a kasar.

Har zuwa (aƙalla) shekara ta 2008, zaɓen majalisa a Iraki gabaɗaya 'yanci ne kuma masu adalci, tare da yawan masu jefa kuri'a, amma ana lalata su da tashin hankali akai-akai.[15] shugaban jamhuriya, wanda ba shi da iko na gaske amma zai iya aiki a matsayin matsakanci na al'ada tsakanin kungiyoyin siyasa daban-daban, majalisa ce ta zaba shi.

Duk da kashe biliyoyin kudi don inganta dimokuradiyya a Iraki, [16] yunkurin Amurka na kafa gwamnatin dimokuradiya an dauke shi da gazawar kuma an kira shi "rashin hankali na dimokuradiyar". [17] Wani binciken da aka yi a shekarar 2011 na Costs of War daga Cibiyar Watson ta Jami'ar Brown don Nazarin Duniya ya kammala cewa an yi kuskuren inganta dimokuradyya tun daga farkon a Iraki ba, yana mai lura da alamun cewa bayan Sadam Iraki ba zai zama layin ga sabuwar Gabas ta Tsakiya ba.[13]

zanga-zangar 2011

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A shekara ta 2011, a matsayin ƙoƙari na hana yiwuwar tashin hankali, Firayim Minista Iraki Nouri al-Maliki ya sanar da cewa ba zai tsaya takara ba a karo na uku kuma ya yi kira ga iyakar wa'adin kundin tsarin mulki. Duk da haka, daruruwan masu zanga-zangar sun taru a manyan biranen Iraqi a ranar 12 ga Fabrairu (musamman Baghdad da Karbala) suna neman ingantaccen tsari game da batun tsaro na kasa da bincike kan shari'o'in cin hanci da rashawa na tarayya, da kuma matakin gwamnati game da yin ayyukan jama'a masu adalci da sauƙi.[18] zanga-zangar ta haifar da akalla mutuwar mutane 45, ciki har da akalla 29 a ranar 25 ga Fabrairu 2011, "Ranar Fushi".

Yakin da aka yi da Daular Musulunci (2013-2017)

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Yakin da Iraki da kawayenta suka yi da Daular Islama ya haifar da batutuwan kare hakkin dan adam da yawa. Kusan fararen hula 19,000 ne aka kashe a Iraki a cikin tashin hankali da ke da alaƙa da ISIL tsakanin Janairu 2014 da Oktoba 2015. [19] ISIL ta kashe har zuwa 1,700 Shia Iraqi Air Force cadets daga Camp Speicher kusa da Tikrit a ranar 12 ga Yuni 2014. Yazidi_by_ISIL" id="mwATw" rel="mw:WikiLink" title="Genocide of Yazidis by ISIL">kisan kare dangi na Yazidis ta ISIL ta yi ya haifar da korar, gudu da kuma gudun hijira na mutanen Yazidi daga ƙasashen kakanninsu a arewacin Iraki.

A cewar Newsweek, Amnesty International ta yi iƙirarin cewa "Sojojin gwamnatin Iraqi da 'yan bindiga sun azabtar da su, sun tsare su da gangan, sun ɓace da karfi kuma sun kashe dubban fararen hula da suka tsere daga mulkin kungiyar mayakan Islama".[20] Rahoton, mai taken Punished for Daesh's crimes', ya yi zargin cewa dubban Sunni maza da yara maza sun ɓace da karfi daga sojojin gwamnatin Iraqi da 'yan bindiga.

zanga-zangar 2019

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Masu zanga-zangar sun rufe filin Al-Khulani a watan Oktoba 2019

A cikin 2019, Iraki ta ga jerin zanga-zangar da suka kunshi zanga-zanga, maci, zaman dirka da rashin biyayya.[] An fara ne a ranar 1 October 2019, ranar da masu fafutukar kare hakkin jama'a suka kafa a kan kafofin watsa labarun, wanda ya bazu a tsakiyar lardunan Iraki da kudancin Iraki, don nuna rashin amincewarsu, rashin aikin yi, bangaranci na siyasa da kuma kira ga cin hanci da rashawa.  gwamnatin Iraqi kuma nan da nan ta tilastawa gwamnati mai ci yin murabus a watan Disambar 2019, inda aka kashe sama da masu zanga-zanga 400 tare da jikkata wasu da dama.  An ci gaba da zanga-zangar a duk fadin kasar a Iraki a cikin kwata na farko na 2020, [3] amma karfin ya fara raguwa yayin da gajiyawar da aka shiga, kuma a karshe, matakan kulle-kulle masu alaka da cutar ta COVID-19 sun kawo karshen motsin.  Duk da haka, manyan buƙatun masu zanga-zangar (ingantacciyar gwamnati, sabis na jama'a, da fatan aikin yi) galibi ba a cika su ba.  Tunanin cewa alfanun arzikin man fetur da kasar ke da shi, ba al'ummar Iraki na yau da kullun ba ne ke ganin wannan batu, tare da dora laifin cin hanci da rashawa a cikin gida a siyasar Iraki da kuma na kasa da kasa sakamakon tasirin kasashen waje.  Iraqi ta fada cikin rudanin siyasa har tsawon shekara ta 2020, yayin da kungiyoyin siyasa masu gaba da juna ke fafutukar ganin sun amince da shugaba.  Tun lokacin da aka nada Mustafa Al-Kadhimi a matsayin Firayim Minista a ranar 7 ga Mayu 2020, duk da haka, "fitattun mutane a cikin majalisar Iraki" da ba a bayyana sunansu ba ana zargin sun kasance wani abin tuntube ga duk wani (wanda ba a bayyana sunansa ba) "ci gaban sake fasalin".  [bayani da ake buƙata] Sakamakon haka, rukunin mafi ƙarancin maki a Iraki shine aikin gwamnati, tare da maki sifili.  Iraki tana da maki na biyu mafi ƙanƙanta a cikin nau'in 'yancin ɗan adam, tare da maki 1.18, ƙasa daga 1.76 a cikin 2019. Rashin talauci ya kasance a wani ɓangare na iyakokin kulle-kulle (wanda ya yi tasiri a duniya kan 'yancin ɗan adam), amma kuma saboda da'awar ƙarin amfani da tsare-tsaren sabani da zarge-zargen azabtarwa da ake amfani da su daga ƙungiyoyin al-Qaida.  Ana zargin jami’an tsaro da ‘yan bindiga musamman masu dauke da makamai da yin amfani da dabarun danniya wajen murkushe zanga-zangar da suka hada da amfani da harsasai masu rai.  Sakamakon ayyukan zanga-zangar da ake ci gaba da yi, Iraki tana da matsayi mai girma a cikin shigar siyasa da nau'ikan al'adun siyasa.[5].[21]  

Rikicin siyasa na 2021-2022

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Bayan zaben 'yan majalisa na watan Oktoba na shekarar 2021, ya dauki watanni goma sha biyu don kafa sabuwar gwamnatin Iraqi: mafi tsawo irin wannan rikici tun lokacin da Amurka ta mamaye 2003. Rikicin ya kasance tsakanin Sadrist Movement, magoya bayan jagoran addinin Shia Muqtada al-Sadr, [22] da kuma Kungiyar Hadin Gida da ke goyon bayan Iran karkashin jagorancin Nouri al-Maliki. [23] Majalisar Wakilai ta Iraki na dogon lokaci ba ta iya kafa gwamnatin hadin gwiwa ko zabar sabon Shugaban kasa ba. Rikicin siyasa sau da yawa ya haifar da zanga-zangar da tashin hankali a Bagadaza, kuma an dauke shi mafi munin rikici a kasar tun bayan da aka ci Daular Islama a kasar a shekarar 2017, bayan haka Iraki ta sami kwanciyar hankali.[24]

A ranar 27 ga Oktoba 2022 duk da haka, gwamnatin Firayim Minista Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani, daga jam'iyyar 'Hadin gwiwar Hadin gwiwa', Majalisar Wakilai ta amince da ita.[25][26]

Matsayi na yanzu

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A cikin alamun dimokuradiyya na V-Demokradiyya na 2023, Iraki ta kasance ta 3 a Gabas ta Tsakiya kuma ta 115 a duk duniya.[27] Iraki ta ci 0.362 a kan V-Dem Democracy electoral democracy index a 2023. Ya zuwa 27 ga Oktoba 2022, Firayim Ministan Iraqi shine Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani .

Batutuwan al'adun siyasa

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Tsarin siyasa na Muhasasa

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A cewar masu sharhi da masu zanga-zangar Iraqi (duba zanga-zambe na Iraqi na 2015-2018), siyasar (dimokuradiyya) ta Iraki tun daga shekara ta 2003 har zuwa akalla ƙarshen shekara ta 2020 ta mamaye abin da ake kira tsarin muhasasa, rarraba mukaman gwamnati a kan "ƙabilu, addini da ƙungiyoyi" na Iraki. Masu zanga-zangar da masu sharhi sun yi jayayya cewa wannan tsarin ya haifar da gwamnati mara cancanta da cin hanci da rashawa.

Gridlock, zalunci, mulkin mallaka

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Zaben majalisar dokokin Iraqi na 2018, ɗakin zabe a Tehran (Iran)

A kan Cibiyar Nazarin Dimokuradiyya ta Tattalin Arziki, wanda wani kamfani mai zaman kansa na Burtaniya (mai wallafa The Economist) ya tattara tun daga shekara ta 2006, Iraki a cikin shekarun 2006 har zuwa 2018 an zira kwallaye a matsayin 'mulkin haɗe-haɗe' tare da maki tsakanin 4 zuwa 6 a kan sikelin daga 0 zuwa 10 (watau tsakanin 'dimokuradiyya mara kyau' (sakamakon 6 har zuwa 8) da 'karyauta'). Amma tun daga shekara ta 2019 har zuwa akalla 2022, ana zira kwallaye a matsayin 'mai iko' (sakamakon 0 har zuwa 4). [21][28] Sakamakon ya dogara ne akan amsoshin tambayoyin 60 da masana ko binciken ra'ayi na jama'a suka amsa. A cikin 2020, lokacin da yawan Iraki ya kai 3.62, Iraki ta samu babban matsayi a kan shiga siyasa (6.67) da kuma tsarin zabe (5.25), godiya ga zaɓen da ya dace. Koyaya, ya zira kwallaye (0) a kan 'aikin gwamnati' saboda matsalar siyasa ta hanyar mafi yawan 2020 da abubuwa a majalisar dokokin Iraqi da ke toshe kowane nau'in sake fasalin siyasa. Har ila yau, ƙarancin Iraki ya kasance a kan 'yancin jama'a' (1.18), saboda wani bangare na tsare-tsare, zarge-zargen azabtarwa a cikin kurkuku, da kuma tashin hankali na zanga-zangar da jami'an tsaro suka yi.[21]

A cikin 2019, wani binciken da aka gudanar a karkashin 'yan jaridar Iraqi 100 ya nuna cewa kashi 44% na' yan jaridar Iraqui sun guji bayar da rahoto game da yiwuwar cin hanci da rashawa, saboda jam'iyyun siyasa da ke kula da abubuwan da ke cikin aikinsu; 10% sun bayyana cewa cibiyar watsa labarai kawai ta hana rufe cin hanci leken rashawa, 6% sun ji tsoron ramuwar gayya daga hukumomi idan sun bayar da rahotannin kan cin hanci. Har ila yau, kungiyoyin da ba na gwamnati ba sun kai hari kan 'yan jarida a kai a kai don ramawa don bayar da rahoto game da cin hanci da rashawa: tun lokacin da gwamnatin Iraqi ta sauya shekara ta 2003 har zuwa 2019, an kashe' yan jarida 277 na Iraqi da mataimakan kafofin watsa labarai 63.[29]

Kungiyar Reporters Without Borders, wata kungiya ce mai zaman kanta a Faransa, tun daga shekara ta 2002 kowace shekara tana tantance 'yancin 'yan jarida a dukkan kasashe, a cikin Index din 'Yan Jarida.  Makin Iraqi a cikin shekarun 2018 har zuwa 2021 yana tsakanin 43 da 48 (a kan ma'auni 100), [wanda ya cancanci a matsayin "mai wuya".  Amma a cikin shekara ta 2022, maki na Iraqi ya ragu zuwa 28.59[1] wanda ya sanya su a cikin mafi ƙasƙanci matakin cancanta a matsayin "mai tsanani sosai".  Daga cikin alamomi guda biyar masu ba da gudummawa: zamantakewa, siyasa, majalisa, tattalin arziki da tsaro, biyun na ƙarshe sun ba da ƙima sosai a cikin 2022: 'tsaro' ya sami 18.27, 'tattalin arziki' ya sami 20.07.  Dangane da alamar 'Tsaro/ Tsaro', rahoton RWF na 2022 ya bayyana cewa: "...'Yan jarida a Iraki suna fuskantar barazana daga kowane bangare kuma suna adawa da raunin kasar, wanda ke kasa a cikin aikinta na kare su (...) A cikin 'yan shekarun nan, yawancin 'yan jarida a Iraki an kashe su da kungiyoyi masu dauke da makamai (...  ’yan jarida a da su ne kan gaba wajen cin zarafi da irin wannan tursasawa amma a zamanin yau ana amfani da shi a kan ‘yan jarida da ba a san su ba”.  Kuma a kan ma'anar 'Hanyoyin Tattalin Arziki': "Kudaden kafofin watsa labaru yana da alaƙa da alaƙa da siyasa; mafi yawan albarkatun jam'iyyar siyasa, mafi yawan tasirin kafofin watsa labarun da ke da alaƙa. Yawancin kafofin watsa labaru sun yi watsi da 'yancin kai na edita saboda rashin kudi, ko kuma kawai sun daina aiki (...)". (...) " .[30]

A cikin 2020 har zuwa Oktoba, an sake kashe manema labarai hudu a Iraki.[31] Human Rights Watch, wata kungiya mai zaman kanta ta Amurka, tana kuma soki rashin shiga cikin gwamnatocin Iraki wajen kare 'yan jarida da kungiyoyin kafofin watsa labarai, wadanda ke ba da rahoton cewa an kai musu hari ko barazana, har ma da sojojin gwamnati.[31]

Cin hanci da rashawa

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A shekara ta 2008, mai kula da yaki da cin hanci da rashawa na Amurka a Bagadaza ya bayyana cewa jami'an gwamnatin Iraqi da yawa sun dauki cin hanci na Iraqi a matsayin "babban matsala"; wani jami'in Iraqi ya kiyasta farashin cin hanci leken rashawa na Iraqi sama da shekara ta 2007 a dala biliyan 18. A cikin wani bincike a cikin 2019, kashi 30% na 'yan Iraki sun ce a cikin fiye da kashi 50% na lokuta suna buƙatar jami'in gwamnati don yin musu hidima, ana buƙatar su biya cin hanci; kashi 34% na masu amsa sun yi la'akari da cin hanci don samun aiki ko ci gaba.[32]

Isra'ila-U. Cibiyar S. Gabas ta Tsakiya da Bincike (MEMRI) a watan Satumbar 2020 da ke ambaton The New York Times ta bayyana cewa Babban Bankin Iraqi ya yi aiki a matsayin "tsarin datti na cin hanci da rashawa na Iraqi" ta hanyar siyarwar yau da kullun na kudaden kasashen waje da ke ba bankunan Iraqi damar canza dinar Iraqi zuwa daloli don tallafawa shigo da 'yan kasuwa na cikin gida. Yawancin shugabannin siyasa na Iraqi, musamman wadanda ke da alaƙa da Iran, sun kafa nasu bankunan da suka yi amfani da su don karkatar da kudi da kuma cin hanci da rashawa zuwa Iran.[33] Sauran masu bincike sun kiyasta a cikin 2020 cewa tsakanin dala biliyan 125 da dala biliyan 300 da aka samu ba bisa ka'ida ba Iraqi ne ke hannun Iraki a kasashen waje.[32] Wani misali na cin hanci da rashawa, wanda aka bayyana a cikin 2020: Ministan Wutar Lantarki na baya ya 'yi hayar' ma'aikata 82,555 na yau da kullun a farashin kusan dala biliyan 12, amma yawancin waɗannan ma'aikatan ba su wanzu da gaske ba; ana iya ɗaukar kuɗin.[33]

A watan Mayu na 2021, Shugaban Iraqi Barham Salih ya kiyasta cewa kashi 15% na kudaden shiga na man Iraki tun lokacin da Amurka ta mamaye Iraki a shekara ta 2003 - wanda ya kai kimanin dala biliyan dubu - an "sata shi" kuma an "sanya shi daga Iraki" a cikin cin hanci da rashawa sabili da haka ya gabatar da daftarin Dokar Ceton Cin Hanci da rashi ga Majalisar Iraqi.[34]

Transparency International ta bayyana cin hanci da rashawa a matsayin: "Yin amfani da ikon da aka ba shi don samun riba mai zaman kansa".[35] A cikin shekara ta 2010, Transparency International ta ba Iraki maki 1.5 a kan Cibiyar Kula da Cin Hanci da rashawa [35] (yana nuna fahimta tsakanin masana da 'yan kasuwa), inda 10 ke nufin 'mai tsabta sosai' kuma 0 ke nufin 'masu cin hanci da rashi sosai': [35] a wannan lokacin a duk duniya ta wuce Afghanistan, Myanmar da Somaliya kawai. [13] A cikin 2013, sakamakon Iraki bai canza ba: 16 a kan sikelin daga 0 zuwa 100. A cikin shekaru har zuwa 2021, sakamakon Iraki ya inganta zuwa 23, wanda ke nufin cewa bangaren jama'a na Iraki har yanzu suna da cin hanci da rashawa sosai amma suna ingantawa.[1] A cikin 2022 kuma, sakamakon Iraki ya kasance 23, ya bar su kasashe 19 a duniya suna yin mummunar cin hanci da rashawa yayin da aka dauki kasashe 156 a matsayin marasa cin hanci.[36]

  1. ↑ Arif, Beston (2018-12-01). "The Role of Citizenship Education in Developing Democracy in Iraq". International Journal of Social Sciences & Educational Studies. 5 (2): 152–163. doi:10.23918/ijsses.v5i2p152. Archived from the original on 2024-09-04. Retrieved 2025-08-04.
  2. ↑ Cordesman, Anthony (2019-10-25). "Why Iraq is 'Burning'" (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-10-14. Cite journal requires |journal= (help)
  3. ↑ "Iraq: Government". globaledge.msu.edu (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-01-22.
  4. ↑ Alshamary, Marsin (2020-11-13). "Six months into his premiership, what has Mustafa al-Kadhimi done for Iraq?". Brookings (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-01-22.
  5. ↑ "Iraq - The 16th-century conquest of Iraq and the regime imposed by Süleyman I | Britannica". www.britannica.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-01-26.
  6. ↑ Williams, Matthew W. (2004-06-18). "The British Experience in Iraq from 1914-1926: What Wisdom Can the United States Draw from Its Experience?" (in Turanci). Retrieved 2024-02-04.
  7. ↑ Dawson, James (2014-08-15). "Why Britain created monarchies in the Middle East". New Statesman (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  8. ↑ Owtram, Francis (2019-10-15). "'No Friends but the Mountains': The Toxic Legacy of British Officialdom for the Kurds after the First World War". Middle East Centre. Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  9. ↑ Empty citation (help)
  10. ↑ "Iraq under Saddam Hussein". Encyclopedia Britannica (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  11. ↑ Johns, Dave (2006-01-24). "The Crimes of Saddam Hussein". PBS Frontline. Retrieved 2022-10-28.
  12. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named :1a
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 13.2 13.3 "Did the wars bring democracy to Afghanistan and Iraq?". Costs of War. Brown University. Archived from the original on 3 July 2011. Retrieved 18 July 2011.
  14. ↑ "Corruption Continues to Destabilize Iraq". Chatham House (in Turanci). 1 October 2019. Archived from the original on 2020-03-28. Retrieved 2019-11-04.
  15. ↑ Enterline, Andrew J.; Greig, J. Michael (2008-10-01). "Against All Odds?: The History of Imposed Democracy and the Future of Iraq and Afghanistan". Foreign Policy Analysis. 4 (4): 321–347. doi:10.1111/j.1743-8594.2008.00074.x. ISSN 1743-8586.
  16. ↑ Caryl, Christian (2013-03-06). "The Democracy Boondoggle in Iraq". Foreign Policy (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-10-30.
  17. ↑ "From invasion to failed state: Iraq's democratic disillusionment". openDemocracy (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-01-26.
  18. ↑ "Iraq's Tishreen Uprising: From Barricades to Ballot Box". www.crisisgroup.org (in Turanci). 2021-07-26. Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  19. ↑ "Nearly 19,000 civilians killed in Iraq in 21-month period, report says". CNN. 19 January 2016. Archived from the original on 22 October 2016.
  20. ↑ "Iraqi Civilians Fleeing ISIS in Mosul Face Torture and Death in Revenge Attacks: Amnesty". Newsweek. 18 October 2016. Archived from the original on 22 October 2016.
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 21.2 "Outlook for 2021-25: Democracy Index: Iraq. - Document - Gale General OneFile (1 Feb 2021)". go.gale.com. Economist Intelligence Unit N.A. Incorporated. Retrieved 2022-01-22.
  22. ↑ Travers, Alannah (2022-09-20). "Young Iraqi activists despair as political crisis continues". Al Jazeera (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-10-20.
  23. ↑ "In numbers... the coordination framework has become the "first force" in the Iraqi parliament" (in Larabci). Alhurra. 23 June 2022. Archived from the original on 22 October 2022. Retrieved 6 August 2022.
  24. ↑ "Iraq chaos as al-Sadr supporters storm Green Zone after he quits". Al Jazeera (in Turanci). Archived from the original on 2022-08-30. Retrieved 2022-08-30.
  25. ↑ "Iraqi parliament approves new government headed by Mohammed Shia al-Sudani". Reuters. 2022-10-27. Retrieved 23 February 2023.
  26. ↑ "Coordination Framework nominate Mohammed Shia' Al Sudani as candidate for Iraqi prime minister". PUK media. 2022-07-25. Retrieved 2022-07-25.
  27. ↑ V-Dem Institute (2023). "The V-Dem Dataset". Retrieved 14 October 2023.
  28. ↑ "Democracy Index 2022: Frontline democracy and the battle for Ukraine" (PDF). Economist Intelligence Unit (in Turanci). 2023. p. 6. Archived from the original (PDF) on 30 March 2023. Retrieved 27 February 2023.
  29. ↑ Numan, Haitham (2020-09-27). "Analyzing Journalist Perceptions of Democracy and State Corruption: The Case of Iraq". Arab Media & Society (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-11-17.
  30. ↑ "Iraq". Reporters Without Borders (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  31. ↑ 31.0 31.1 Wille, Belkis (2020-10-20). "When Will Iraq Start Protecting Journalists?". Human Rights Watch (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-09-12.
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 Schöberlein, Jennifer (2020-12-10). "Iraq: Overview of corruption and anti-corruption". U4 Anti-Corruption Resource Centre (in Turanci). Transparency International. Retrieved 2022-10-19.
  33. ↑ 33.0 33.1 "Iran's Trail Of Political And Economic Chaos: Part I – The Iraqi Experience". MEMRI. September 1, 2020.
  34. ↑ Tawfeeq, Mohammed (23 May 2021). "Iraq estimates that $150 billion of its oil money has been stolen from the country since the US-led invasion of 2003". CNN. Archived from the original on 2021-05-23. Retrieved 2021-05-23.
  35. ↑ 35.0 35.1 35.2 "Corruption Perceptions Index 2021 for Iraq". Transparency.org (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-03-21.
  36. ↑ "Corruption Perceptions Index 2022 for Iraq". Transparency.org (in Turanci). Retrieved 8 March 2023.
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