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Insurgency

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.
Insurgency
type of crime (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare narebellion (en) Fassara
Wani mai tayar da kayar baya na Home Army kusa da hoton farfaganda a lokacin Warsaw Uprising na 1944Tashin hankali na Warsaw

Tawayen ƙungiyar masu tayar da kayar baya (insurgency) wani nau’in tawaye ne na tashin hankali da ɗauke da makamai, wanda ƙananan ƙungiyoyin mayaƙa masu ƙarancin makamai ke aiwatarwa ta hanyar amfani da yaƙin ɓata-gari (guerrilla warfare) a kan wata babbar hukuma ko gwamnati[1][2][3] Muhimmin abin da ke bayyana irin wannan tawaye shi ne rashin daidaiton ƙarfi (asymmetric) tsakanin ɓangarorin: ƙananan rundunonin mayaƙa marasa tsari (irregular forces) suna fuskantar babbar rundunar soja ta yau da kullum, wadda take da ingantattun makamai da kayan yaƙi, kuma yawanci tana ƙarƙashin ƙasa ko gwamnati.[4]

Saboda wannan rashin daidaiton ƙarfi, masu tayar da kayar bayan kan guji shiga yaƙe kai tsaye masu girma, maimakon haka sukan gauraya da fararen hula, musamman a yankunan karkara, inda a hankali suke ƙara faɗaɗa ikon mallakar yankuna da kuma ƙarfafa rundunoninsu. Sau da yawa, nasarar irin wannan tawayen tana dogara ne kan ikon mallaka da kuma haɗin gwiwa da al’ummar yankin.[5][6]

Ana iya yin tawaye ta hanyar yaki da tawaye, da sauran ayyukan siyasa, tattalin arziki da zamantakewa iri-iri. Saboda haɗuwa da masu tayar da kayar baya tare da fararen hula, masu tayar wa'azi suna haifar da tashin hankali mai yawa a kan fararen hula (ta jihar da masu tayay da kayar bayar baya). [7] Yunkurin da Jiha ke yi na murkushe masu tayar da kayar baya akai-akai yana haifar da tashin hankali ba tare da nuna bambanci ba, yayin da ikon 'yan tawaye na yankin sau da yawa ya haɗa da tashin hankali ga fararen hula. ta'addanci ya ware kansa daga ta'addanci ta hanyar neman iko na siyasa maimakon yin amfani da tashin hankali ba tare da nuna bambanci ba, duk da haka, yana iya haɗawa da dabarun ta'addancin.[8]]

Idan tawaye ya ɗauki salon tawaye da makamai, ba lallai ne a ɗauke shi a matsayin insurgency (tawayen masu ɗauke da makamai) ba idan akwai yanayin yaƙin belligerency, wato yanayin da wata ƙasa mai cikakken iko ko fiye da ɗaya ke cikin yaƙi da rundunonin ‘yan tawaye.

Misali, a lokacin Yaƙin Basasar Amurka (American Civil War), ba a amince da Ƙasashen Tarayyar Kudancin Amurka (Confederate States of America) a matsayin ƙasa mai cikakken iko ba. Sai dai an amince da ita a matsayin ɓangaren da ke yaƙi (belligerent power). Saboda haka, an bai wa jiragen ruwan yaƙin na Ƙungiyar Confederate a tashoshin jiragen ruwa na ƙasashen waje haƙƙoƙi iri ɗaya da jiragen ruwan yaƙin Amurka.[9][10]

Wani lokaci ana iya samun tawayen ƙungiyoyi biyu ko fiye a lokaci guda (multipolar insurgencies) a cikin ƙasa guda. Tawayen Iraki (Iraqi insurgency) misali ne na yanayin da gwamnatin da aka amince da ita[a] ke fuskantar ƙungiyoyin ‘yan tawaye da dama.

Wasu tawayen tarihi, kamar Yaƙin Basasar Rasha (Russian Civil War), sun kasance masu ɓangarori da dama (multipolar), maimakon kasancewa rikici kai tsaye tsakanin ɓangarori biyu kawai.

A lokacin Yaƙin Basasar Angola (Angolan Civil War), manyan ɓangarorin da ke yaƙi su ne MPLA da UNITA. A lokaci guda kuma, akwai wata ƙungiyar masu fafutukar ballewa daga ƙasa domin neman ‘yancin yankin Cabinda, wadda FLEC ke jagoranta.

Ma’anar multipolarity tana faɗaɗa ma’anar insurgency ta yadda za ta haɗa da yanayin da babu wata hukuma da aka amince da ita, kamar yadda ya faru a Yaƙin Basasar Somaliya (Somali Civil War), musamman a lokacin daga 1998 zuwa 2006. A wannan lokacin, Somaliya ta rabu zuwa ƙananan yankuna ko ƙasashe masu cin gashin kansu, waɗanda suke yin yaƙi da juna tare da kafa ƙawance masu sauyawa.

Wadanda ake kira kuruc sun kasance 'yan tawaye masu adawa da Habsburg a Royal Hungary tsakanin 1671 da 1711.

James Fearon da David Laitin sun bayyana tawaye a matsayin "fasahar rikice-rikicen soja da ke dauke da kananan kungiyoyi masu dauke da makamai da ke yin yakin basasa daga yankunan karkara".[11][12]Austin Long ya bayyana tawaye a matsayin "amfani da siyasa da na soja ta hanyar dakarun da ba su dace ba don canza tsarin siyasa na yanzu. Wadannan dakarun galibi suna haɗuwa da fararen hula don ɓoyewa daga dakarun kare tsarin siyasa".[13]A cewar Matthew Adam Kocher, Thomas Pepinsky da Stathis Kalyvas, babban burin tayar da kayar baya shine samun iko akan fararen hula.[7] Don gudanar da sarrafawa kungiyoyi masu dauke da makamai suna amfani da ayyuka daban-daban, gami da nau'ikan tashin hankali, warware rikice-rikice, haraji, tsara motsi, samun damar taimako da ayyuka, da kuma matsalolin zamantakewa.[14]

Tawayen da yaƙe-yaƙe

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A cewar James D. Fearon, yaƙe-yaƙe suna da bayani mai ma'ana a bayansu, wanda ke bayyana dalilin da ya sa shugabannin suka fi son yin caca a yaƙe- yaƙe-Yaƙe da guje wa yarjejeniyar zaman lafiya.[15] Fearon ya bayyana cewa matsakaicin ciniki na iya zama matsala saboda ƙasashe ba za su iya cinikin yankuna cikin sauƙi tare da yaduwar kishin ƙasa ba.[15]

Bugu da ƙari, yaƙe-yaƙe na iya ɗaukar nau'in yaƙe-yan ƙasa. A cikin labarinta Me ya sa mummunan mulki ke haifar da yakin basasa, Barbara F. Walter ta gabatar da ka'idar da ke bayyana rawar da cibiyoyi masu karfi ke takawa wajen hana tashin hankali wanda zai iya haifar da yakin farar hula. Walter ya yi imanin cewa cibiyoyin na iya ba da gudummawa ga manufofi huɗu.[16] Cibiyoyin suna da alhakin bincika gwamnati, ƙirƙirar hanyoyin zaman lafiya da yawa don taimakawa gwamnati warware matsaloli, sa gwamnati ta himmatu ga ka'idojin siyasa wanda ya haɗa da kiyaye zaman lafiya, da ƙirƙirar yanayi inda 'yan tawaye ba sa buƙatar kafa' yan bindiga.[16]

Bugu da ƙari, Walter ya kara da cewa idan akwai rikici tsakanin gwamnati da masu tayar da kayar baya a matsayin yakin basasa, wannan rikici na iya haifar da sabuwar gwamnati da ke da alhakin mutane da yawa, waɗanda dole ne su shiga cikin sulhu a cikin tattaunawar siyasa. A cewar Walter, kasancewar cibiyoyin da ke da tasiri sosai na iya zama da fa'ida don hana sake maimaita yaƙe-yaƙe na basasa, amma gwamnatocin mulkin mallaka ba su da damar karɓar fitowar cibiyoyi masu ƙarfi saboda sakamakon ƙuntatawar cin hanci da rashawa na gwamnati.

A cikin littafinta Insurgent Collective Action and Civil War in Salvador, Elisabeth Jean Wood ta bayyana cewa mahalarta gwagwarmayar haɗari suna sane da farashin da fa'idodin shiga cikin yaƙe-yaƙe. Wood ya nuna cewa "masu shiga cikin yakin neman zaɓe na Freedom Summer na 1964 a Kudancin Amurka sun yi haɗari sosai na cutar jiki wajen kalubalantar ayyukan da suka daɗe na ware launin fata a Mississippi".Akwai dalilai da yawa da za a zaɓa waɗanda ke ƙarfafa tawaye da ƙungiyoyin tashin hankali game da mulkin kama-karya. Misali, masu tayar da kayar baya na iya samar da tsaro a matsayin kayan aiki, wanda ke kawar da cin zarafin gwamnati kuma ta haka ne ya zama daya daga cikin manyan abubuwan da ke motsa masu tayar kayar baya. Ikon juyin juya hali na iya taimakawa wajen bayyana hanyar sadarwar zamantakewa da siyasa wanda a madadinsa ke ba da damar samun damar siyasa ga 'yan takara daban-daban, waɗanda ke da alaƙa da asalin jama'a da al'adun al'adu. Har ila yau, yaƙe-yaƙe da ta'addanci na iya samar da aiki da kuma samun dama ga ayyuka da albarkatun da gwamnatocin mulkin mallaka suka taɓa karɓar su.[17]

Masu tayar da kayar baya sun bambanta da amfani da dabarun da hanyoyin. A cikin wata kasida ta 2004, Robert R. Tomes ya yi magana game da abubuwa huɗu waɗanda "yawanci sun haɗa da tayar da kayar baya": [18]

  1. Cibiyoyin sadarwar da ke kula da sirri
  2. ta'addanci da aka yi amfani da shi don bunkasa rashin tsaro tsakanin jama'a da kuma fitar da su ga masu tayar da kayar baya don kariya
  3. Ƙoƙarin da aka yi na haɓaka tallafi a cikin jama'a gaba ɗaya, sau da yawa ta hanyar lalata sabon tsarin mulki
  4. hare-hare kan gwamnati

Tomes' misali ne na ma'anar da ba ta rufe duk tashin hankali ba. Misali, Juyin Juya Halin Faransa ba shi da tsarin tantanin halitta, kuma a juyin juya hali na Amurka, ba a yi ƙoƙari sosai don tsoratar da fararen hula ba.  [ana buƙatar hujja]A cikin juyin mulki a jere a 1977 da 1999 a Pakistan, ayyukan farko sun mayar da hankali a cikin gwamnati maimakon neman goyon baya mai yawa. Duk da yake ma'anar Tomes ta dace da Mataki na Mao, ba ta magance manyan yaƙe-yaƙe na basasa. Mao ya ɗauka ta'addanci yawanci yana daga cikin matakan farko, amma ba koyaushe yake cikin tawaye na juyin juya hali ba.

Tomes ya ba da ma'anar tawaye ta kai tsaye, wanda aka samo daga ma'anar Traminquier game da yaki da tawaye: "tsarin rikice-rikice na ayyuka - siyasa, tattalin arziki, tunanin mutum, soja - wanda ke da niyyar kawar da ikon da aka kafa a cikin ƙasa da maye gurbinsa da wani tsarin mulki. "

Steven Metz ya lura cewa samfuran da suka gabata na tayar da kayar baya ba su dace da tayar da hankali na zamani ba, a cikin waɗannan lokuta na yanzu suna da damar samun halayen ƙasashe da yawa ko na ƙasashe fiye da na baya. Yawancin masu tayar da kayar baya na iya kasancewa cikin rikice-rikice masu rikitarwa, wadanda suka hada da "dakarun uku (ƙungiyoyin da ke shafar sakamakon, kamar 'yan bindiga) da na huɗu (ƙungiyoyi marasa makamai waɗanda ke shafar sakamako, kamar kafofin watsa labarai na duniya), " wadanda zasu iya bambanta da manyan masu tayar akasin da kayar da kayanta. Duk da yake tallafin jihar ya zama ba a saba gani ba, tallafin kungiyoyin kasa da kasa ya fi yawa. "Ƙirƙirar tawaye a cikin rikice-rikice masu rikitarwa da ke da alaƙa da raunin jihar ko gazawar..." (Dubi tattaunawar jihohin da suka gaza a ƙasa.) Metz ya nuna cewa masu tayar da kayar baya na zamani suna da rikitarwa da sauyawa fiye da yaƙe-yaƙe na gargajiya, inda masu fafutuka masu hankali ke neman gagarumin nasara.

Yawancin ta'addanci sun haɗa da ta'addancia. Duk da yake babu ma'anar ta'addanci a cikin dokar kasa da kasa, ma'anar aiki da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ke tallafawa sun haɗa da wanda Alex P. Schmid ya tsara don Ƙungiyar Ma'aikata kan Majalisar Dinkinobho da Ta'addanci. Da yake bayar da rahoto ga Sakatare Janar a shekara ta 2002, Kungiyar Aiki ta bayyana wadannan:

Duk da haka wani rikici na ma'anoni ya haɗa da ta'addanci da ta'adda. Rubutun da ya lashe gasar 24th Annual United States Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Strategic Essay Contest, na Michael F. Morris, ya ce [ƙungiyar ta'addanci mai tsabta] "yana iya bin siyasa, har ma da juyin juya hali, manufofi, amma tashin hankali ya maye gurbin maimakon cika shirin siyasa". Morris ya nuna cewa amfani, ko rashin amfani, na ta'addanci ba ya bayyana ta'addancin, "amma cewa halaye na ƙungiya sun ba da wata hanya ta al'ada don raba su biyu. 'Yan ta'addance yawanci suna ba da umarni na dakarun yaƙi da suka fi na kungiyoyin ta'addani. "Masu tayar da kayar baya suna da manufar siyasa, kuma suna iya samar da ayyukan zamantakewa kuma suna da bayyane, har ma da doka, bangaren siyasa. Yankin ɓoye-ɓoye yana kai hare-hare kan sojojin soja tare da dabarun kamar hare-hare da Kwango, da kuma ayyukan ta'addanci kamar hare-haren da ke haifar da mutuwar fararen hula da gangan.

Mao ya yi la'akari da ta'addanci a matsayin wani bangare na farko na matakai uku na yaƙin juyin juya hali da kuma wani bangare ne na kafa ƙungiyar 'yan tawaye. Misalai da yawa na ta'addanci sun fahimci cewa ayyukan ta'addancin da aka kammala sun fadada gibin tsaro; masanin ilimin 'yan ta'adda na Marxist Carlos Marighella ya ba da shawarar ayyukan ta'adda a matsayin hanyar cimma wani abu da ya dace da manufar bude gibin tsaro.

Juyin Juya Halin

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Duk da yake ba kowane tawaye ba ne ya shafi ta'addanci, mafi yawansu sun haɗa da wahalar bayyana dabarun, juyin mulki. "Lokacin da ake rushe ƙasa ba a kawar da ita ba; ana gudanar da ita. Rushewa a zahiri gudanarwa ce tare da alamar raguwa a gaba. "Abubuwan da suka faru na musamman na tayar da kayar baya ba tare da juyin mulki ba sune wadanda babu wata gwamnati da aka yarda da ita da ke ba da sabis na gudanarwa.

Duk da yake kalmar "subversion" ba a amfani da ita sosai ta masu magana da yawun Amurka na yanzu, wannan na iya zama saboda hanyar da aka yi amfani da ita a baya, a cikin wani yanayi na musamman na adawa da kwaminisanci. Sakataren Harkokin Wajen Amurka Dean Rusk ya yi amfani da shi ta wannan hanyar a watan Afrilu na shekara ta 1962, lokacin da ya bayyana cewa ana buƙatar mataki na gaggawa kafin "ƙungiyoyin siyasa da sojoji na abokan gaba su sami filayen da ke haifar da ƙwai na kifi". [ana buƙatar hujja]

Yaki da ta'addanci

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Sojojin yaki da masu tayar da kayar baya na Najeriya suna nuna dabarun da aka yi amfani da su a kan Boko Haram, 2016

Kafin mutum ya kalubalanci tawaye, dole ne mutum ya fahimci abin da mutum ke kalubalantar. Yawanci mafi kyawun yaki da ta'addanci sun kasance Birtaniya a cikin gaggawa na Malay da kuma adawa da gwamnatin Filipino game da Tawayen Hukbalahap. A cikin Yakin Philippine-Amurka, sojojin Amurka sun sami nasarar murkushe masu tayar da kayar baya na Filipino a shekara ta 1902, duk da cewa tare da dabarun da yawancin mutanen zamani suka ɗauka ba a yarda da su ba.

 

  1. ↑ Fearon, James D.; Laitin, David D. (2003). "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War". American Political Science Review (in Turanci). 97 (1): 75–90. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534. ISSN 1537-5943. S2CID 8303905.
  2. ↑ Lewis, Janet I. (2020). How Insurgency Begins: Rebel Group Formation in Uganda and Beyond. Cambridge University Press. pp. 17–18. doi:10.1017/9781108855969. ISBN 978-1-108-47966-0. S2CID 225014676.
  3. ↑ Kalyvas, Stathis N.; Balcells, Laia (2010). "International System and Technologies of Rebellion: How the End of the Cold War Shaped Internal Conflict". The American Political Science Review. 104 (3): 415–429. doi:10.1017/S0003055410000286. hdl:10261/45454. ISSN 0003-0554. JSTOR 40863761. S2CID 17605053.
  4. ↑ Kocher, Matthew Adam; Pepinsky, Thomas B.; Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2011). "Aerial Bombing and Counterinsurgency in the Vietnam War". American Journal of Political Science (in Turanci). 55 (2): 201–218. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00498.x. ISSN 1540-5907.
  5. ↑ Kocher, Matthew Adam; Pepinsky, Thomas B.; Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2011). "Aerial Bombing and Counterinsurgency in the Vietnam War". American Journal of Political Science (in Turanci). 55 (2): 201–218. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00498.x. ISSN 1540-5907.
  6. ↑ Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2006). The Logic of Violence in Civil War. Cambridge Studies in Comparative Politics. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. doi:10.1017/cbo9780511818462. ISBN 978-0-521-85409-2. S2CID 14897960.
  7. 1 2 Kocher, Matthew Adam; Pepinsky, Thomas B.; Kalyvas, Stathis N. (2011). "Aerial Bombing and Counterinsurgency in the Vietnam War". American Journal of Political Science (in Turanci). 55 (2): 201–218. doi:10.1111/j.1540-5907.2010.00498.x. ISSN 1540-5907.
  8. ↑ "The A to Z of military terms". The Economist (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-12-18.
  9. ↑ Hall, Kermit L. The Oxford Guide to United States Supreme Court Decisions, Oxford University Press US, 2001, ISBN 978-0-19-513924-2 p. 246 "In supporting Lincoln on this issue, the Supreme Court upheld his theory of the Civil War as an insurrection against the United States government that could be suppressed according to the rules of war. In this way the United States was able to fight the war as if it were an international war, without actually having to recognize the de jure existence of the Confederate government."
  10. ↑ Goldstein, Erik; McKercher, B. J. C. Power and stability: British foreign policy, 1865–1965, Routledge, 2003, ISBN 978-0-7146-8442-0. p. 63
  11. ↑ Fearon, James D.; Laitin, David D. (2003). "Ethnicity, Insurgency, and Civil War". American Political Science Review (in Turanci). 97 (1): 75–90. doi:10.1017/S0003055403000534. ISSN 1537-5943. S2CID 8303905.
  12. ↑ Kalyvas, Stathis N.; Kocher, Matthew Adam (2007). "How "Free" Is Free Riding in Civil Wars? Violence, Insurgency, and the Collective Action Problem". World Politics. 59 (2): 177–216. doi:10.1353/wp.2007.0023. ISSN 0043-8871. JSTOR 40060186. S2CID 55598769.
  13. ↑ William C. Missing or empty |title= (help)
  14. ↑ Bahiss, Ibraheem; Jackson, Ashley; Mayhew, Leigh; Weigand, Florian (2022). "Rethinking armed group control: Towards a new conceptual framework" (PDF). ODI / Centre on Armed Groups.
  15. 1 2 Fearon, James (Summer 1995). "Rationalist Explanations for War". International Organization. 49 (3): 379–414. doi:10.1017/s0020818300033324. JSTOR 2706903. S2CID 38573183.
  16. 1 2 Walter, Barbara (March 31, 2014). "Why Bad Governance Leads to Repeat Civil War". Conflict Resolutions. 59 (7): 1242–1272. doi:10.1177/0022002714528006. S2CID 154632359.
  17. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named "Wood2003".
  18. ↑ Tomes, Robert (2004-03-01). "Relearning Counterinsurgency Warfare". The US Army War College Quarterly: Parameters. 34 (1). doi:10.55540/0031-1723.2193 Check |doi= value (help). ISSN 0031-1723.