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Jama'a a cikin ƙasashen Afirka masu magana da harshen Lusophone

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.
Jama'a a cikin ƙasashen Afirka masu magana da harshen Lusophone

Sau da yawa ana bayyana al'ummar farar hula a matsayin kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu waɗanda suka samo asali ne daga sha'awar juna kuma suna iya yin aiki don rinjayar jihar.[1] Matsayin ikon cin gashin kai da kungiyoyin farar hula ke morewa daga jihar ya nuna yadda Jama'a za su iya aiki da kansu don tasiri ga manufofin gwamnati, kuma saboda haka yana da ma'auni mai amfani na dimokuradiyya a cikin jihar. A cikin ƙasashen Afirka masu magana da harshen Lusophone, dimokuradiyya (kuma ta haka ne ikon cin gashin kai ga jama'a) ya bambanta sosai a fadin iyakoki; a cikin 2021, daga dukkan jihohin membobin Afirka na Harshen hukuma na Portuguese (PALOP), kawai São Tomé da Príncipe da Cape Verde ne aka sanya su "Free" a kan Global Freedom Score ta Freedom House, yayin da Guinea-Bissau da Mozambique an rarraba su a matsayin "Sashe Free" kuma Angola da Equatorial Guinea a matsayin "Ba Free".[2][3] Kodayake akwai bambance-bambance, yanayin kungiyoyin farar hula a cikin waɗannan jihohin sau da yawa suna rinjayar tashin hankali na yau da kullun, kamar yadda 'yancin kai daga Portugal sau da yawa ya zo ne sakamakon yaƙe-yaƙe na' yanci wanda ya biyo bayan rikice-rikicen farar hula.

Angola

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Angola ta sami ƙananan maki daga Freedom House don "Haƙƙin Ƙungiya da Ƙungiya".[1] Musamman ma, jam'iyyar MPLA mai rinjaye (Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola/Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola) a tsanake tana yiwa jam'iyyun adawa da ke neman kalubalantar mulkinta a zabuka, kuma kungiyoyin da ba na gwamnati ba (NGOs) da ke kula da hakkin bil'adama an ruwaito ana cin zarafi, sa ido, gurfanar da su, barazana, da kuma rufe su.[1] Kungiyoyin kwadagon da ke cikin masana’antu masu “mahimmanci” (kamar man fetur) an hana su shiga yajin aiki bisa doka.[1] Tushen dangantakar zamani da ke tsakanin ƙasar Angola da al'ummarta da aka kafa a lokacin yakin basasar Angola (1975-2002), lokacin da ƙungiyoyin jama'a suka zama masu muhimmanci wajen samar da ayyuka ga al'ummar da ita kanta jihar ba ta iya ba.[2]A ƙarshen rikicin, lokacin da ƙungiyoyin da ke gaba da juna - MPLA da UNITA (União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola/United National Union for the Total Independence of Angola) - suka tsunduma cikin tattaunawar zaman lafiya, ƙungiyoyin jama'a da kuma kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu da aka cire da gangan daga cikin tsari.[1] Don haka, siyasar Angola a yau tana nuna hakikanin gaskiyar da ba sa halarta a cikin tsarin gina al'umma don ba da ra'ayin kare muradun ƙungiyoyin jama'a, amma an cire su daga manyan ƙungiyoyin da ke neman mamaye ƙasar.[1] Ko da Cocin Katolika, wanda 41% na Angolan ke biyayya, an rufe shi daga tsarin don goyon bayan sauran masu shiga tsakani na duniya (kamar Amurka, Rasha, da Portugal) a lokacin yarjejeniyar Bicece na 1990 wanda ya kasa samar da zaman lafiya kuma MPLA da UNITA suka keta shi.[2][3]

Guinea-Bissau da Cape Verde

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Bayan samun 'yancin kai a shekara ta 1975, Guinea-Bissau da Cape Verde sun kasance da alaƙa da siyasa ta PAIGC (Partido Africano para a Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde / African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde), kafin juyin mulkin soja na Guinea a shekara ta 1980 ya haifar da rarrabuwa a cikin jam'iyyar, wanda ya haifar da kafa PAICV (Partido African da Independência do Cabo Verde / Afirka Party for the Freedom of Cape Verde). An ba da izini a matsayin "Sashe na 'yanci" ta Freedom House, Guinea-Bissau ba ta girmama haƙƙin haɗin kai a cikin iyakokinta.[4] Gwamnati ta ayyana dokar ta baci a farkon annobar COVID-19 wanda ya hana ikon masu fafutuka na shirya zanga-zangar.[4] Bugu da ƙari, shugabannin manyan kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu (NGOs) sun fuskanci cin zarafi har ma da barazanar mutuwa, kamar lauya da shugaban kare hakkin dan adam Luís Vaz Martins, wanda ya yi iƙirarin cewa shi ne burin yunkurin kashe shi wanda Shugaba Umaro Sissoco Embaló ya ba da umarni a watan Agustan 2021.[4] Martins shine tsohon shugaban LGDH (Liga Guineense dos Direitos Humanos / Guinea League of Human Rights). [4]

Bayan juyin mulkin soja na 1980 a Guinea-Bissau, Cape Verde ta kasance karkashin jagorancin jam'iyya daya da PAICV ke jagoranta.[5] A wannan lokacin, ƙungiyoyin jama'a galibi suna ƙarƙashin ikon jam'iyyar da ke mulki, wanda ya bayyana irin waɗannan ƙungiyoyi a ƙarƙashin laima.[5] Misali, PAICV ta kula da kungiyoyin matasa, kungiyoyin mata, da kungiyoyin kwadago waɗanda suka maye gurbin kungiyoyin farar hula da rassan da jam'iyyar ke jagoranta.[5] Koyaya, a cikin 1990 Cape Verde ta sauya zuwa dimokuradiyya ta jam'iyyun da yawa, tana ba da dama ga ƙungiyoyi masu zaman kansu don kafawa.[5]

Mozambique

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

An ba da izini a matsayin "Sashe na 'yanci" ta Freedom House, Mozambique ta ba da izinin kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu da yawa su yi aiki ba tare da "ƙuntataccen doka ba".[6] Koyaya, ƙungiyoyin farar hula waɗanda ke sukar jihar da kuma shiga cikin sa ido kan zabe sun ba da shaida cewa tsoratar da barazanar mutuwa har yanzu suna da yawa.[6] Bugu da ƙari, Cabo Delgado">tawaye a lardin arewacin Cabo Delgado ya hana 'yancin farar hula don aiwatar da ayyukansu ba tare da tsoron tashin hankali ba. Hakazalika da Angola, an dogara da 'yan wasan kwaikwayo wadanda ba na gwamnati ba, da kuma cibiyoyin gargajiya da na gida don samar da ayyuka a lokacin yakin basasar Mozambican (1977-1992). [7] Ɗaya daga cikin irin wannan ma'aikata shine Cocin Katolika, wanda ya kasance mai mahimmanci har an yaba da shi da taimakawa wajen daidaita zaman lafiya tsakanin FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique / Liberation Front of Mozambique) da RENAMO (Resistência Nacional Moçambicana / National Mozambican Resistance). [7] Fiye da shekaru biyu da zagaye goma sha biyu na tattaunawa, Cocin ya yi sulhu tsakanin kungiyoyin da ke dauke da makamai a Roma, inda ya samar da zaman lafiya na dindindin a 1992 wanda ya kawo karshen rikici.[8] Nasarar Cocin Katolika a Mozambique da Angola saboda gaskiyar cewa bishops na Mozambican sun yi kasa da ambaton dimokuradiyya a matsayin wani bangare na tsarin zaman lafiya fiye da takwarorinsu na Angola.[8] Bugu da ƙari, halin da ake ciki a Angola an dauke shi fifiko mafi girma daga Amurka, yayin da a Mozambique manyan masu tallafawa na waje na RENAMO a kan FRELIMO da ke goyon bayan Soviet sune gwamnatocin fararen fata a Afirka ta Kudu da Rhodesia ta Kudu.[8] Wannan ƙarfin ya ba da damar ƙungiyar farar hula kamar Cocin Katolika ta tabbatar da kanta a matsayin matsakanci wajen kawo ƙarshen rikici.

Kafin yakin basasa, jam'iyyar FRELIMO mai mulki ta ci gaba da dangantaka mai tsanani tsakanin jihar Mozambican da kungiyoyin farar hula.[9] Ƙungiyoyi kalilan ne aka ba su izinin yin aiki da kansu, yayin da aka kawo mafi yawansu a ƙarƙashin laima na jihar da ke ƙarƙashin rinjayar FRELIMO a matsayin "ƙungiyoyin dimokuradiyya", wanda ya zama mai tsakiya sosai a kusa da jam'iyyar.[9] A cikin Mozambique na zamani, haɗin gwiwa tare da ƙungiyoyi masu zaman kansu suna ɗaukar nau'o'i daban-daban. Nan da nan bayan tattaunawar zaman lafiya a shekara ta 2002, yawan haɗin kai tsakanin Mozambicans ba shi da yawa, kuma ya nuna sha'awar amincewa da ƙungiyoyin gargajiya da na addini.[9] Misali, yayin da kashi 5-8% na 'yan ƙasa suka ba da rahoton jagora ko membobin aiki a cikin ƙungiyoyin farar hula na "zamani", kashi 41% da aka gano tare da ƙungiyar addini, kuma kashi biyu bisa uku na waɗanda suka amsa sun ba da rahoton halartar "taron al'umma".[9] Kuma yayin da kashi 44% kawai na masu amsa suka ce ba za su "ba" son halartar zanga-zangar ba, kashi 14% ne kawai suka yi hakan a shekarar 2005.[9] Kwanan nan, Rahoton Afrobarometer na 2021 na Mozambique ya nuna babban amincewa ga shugabannin gargajiya da na addini.[10] Lokacin da aka yi rajistar amincewa da shugabannin gargajiya, kashi 43.3% na masu amsa sun ba da rahoton "da yawa" amincewa kuma kashi 18.8% sun ce "wani abu", yayin da kashi 52.7% na masu amsa suka rubuta "da yawa " kuma kashi 17.7% sun ba da rahoto "da ɗan" amincewa da shugabanni na addini.[10] Bugu da ƙari, masu amsa sun kimanta shugabannin gargajiya tare da amincewa mai yawa; 23.2% "sun amince da karfi" yayin da 46.9% "sun amince" da aikin shugabannin gargajiya.[10] Wannan yana nuna matakin amincewa mai ƙarfi da haɗin kai tare da kungiyoyin farar hula waɗanda ba a la'akari da su a hukumance a cikin binciken Yammacin Turai ba amma suna da tasiri sosai ga tasirin su na al'ada a matakin gida.

São Tomé da Príncipe

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Freedom House ta dauki São Tomé da Príncipe a matsayin kasar "Free" a cikin 2021 Global Freedom Score.[11] Dangane da haka, 'yancin' yan jarida, taro, da ƙungiyoyi galibi ana girmama su ta jihar.[12] Koyaya, akwai fargabar cewa fadada amfani da albarkatun mai a yankin na iya haifar da alamun "la'anar albarkatun".[13] Wato, cewa 'yanci na jama'a da ikon cin gashin kai ga kungiyoyin farar hula na iya lalacewa idan gwamnati ta yi amfani da kudaden shiga na mai don karfafa ikonta a cikin hanyar da ta fi dacewa.[13]

Manazarta

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  1. ↑ Pongsapich, Amara (1999). "Politics of Civil Society". Southeast Asian Affairs. 1999: 325–335. JSTOR 27912234.
  2. ↑ "Explore the Map". Freedom House (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-03-28.
  3. ↑ "PALOP-TL – United Nations Partnerships for SDGs platform". sustainabledevelopment.un.org. Retrieved 2022-03-28.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 "Guinea-Bissau: Freedom in the World 2022 Country Report". Freedom House (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-05-12.
  5. ↑ 5.0 5.1 5.2 5.3 Dumas Teixeira, Ricardo Jacintas (2016). "Estado e Sociedade Civil em Cabo Verde e Guiné-Bissau". Cadernos de Estudos Africanos (in Harshen Potugis). 31: 115–141. ProQuest 1825981622.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 "Mozambique: Freedom in the World 2022 Country Report". Freedom House. 2021. Retrieved May 11, 2022.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 Reibel, Jr., Aaron (2010). "An African Success Story: Civil Society and the 'Mozambican Miracle". Africana. 4: 78–102. ProQuest 884430603.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 8.2 Resende, Madalena e Claudia Generoso de Almeida (2018). "O Papel da Igreja Católica na Democratização Pós-guerra em Angola e Moçambique" (PDF). Relações Internacionais (in Harshen Potugis). 59 (59): 43–63. doi:10.23906/ri2018.59a04. S2CID 187705587.
  9. ↑ 9.0 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4 Virtanen, Pekka (2015). "Democracy, Poverty, and Civil Society in Mozambique". Africa Review. 7 (2): 89–103. doi:10.1080/09744053.2015.1033824. S2CID 154921989. ProQuest 1680656937.
  10. ↑ 10.0 10.1 10.2 "Summary of Results: Afrobarometer Round 8 Survey in Mozambique" (PDF). Afrobarometer. 8: 1–82. 2021.
  11. ↑ "São Tomé and Príncipe: Freedom in the World 2022 Country Report". Freedom House (in Turanci). Retrieved 2022-05-12.
  12. ↑ Nascimento, Augusto (2018). "Quatro Décadas de Independência, das 'Mudanças' à Indeterminação das Vidas em São Tomé e Príncipe". Cadernos de Estudos Africanos (in Harshen Potugis). 35 (35): 61–87. doi:10.4000/cea.2605. S2CID 149498235. ProQuest 2117359321. |hdl-access= requires |hdl= (help)
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 Weszkalnys, Gisa (2014). "Anticipating Oil: The Temporal Politics of a Disaster Yet to Come". The Sociological Review. 62: 211–235. doi:10.1111/1467-954X.12130. S2CID 146610495. ProQuest 1551000844.
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