Jump to content

Juyin juya halin Masar na 1952

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.
Infotaula d'esdevenimentJuyin juya halin Masar na 1952

Iri Juyin Juya Hali
Kwanan watan 23 ga Yuli, 1952
Wuri Misra
Ƙasa Kingdom of Egypt (en) Fassara da Republic of Egypt (en) Fassara

Juyin juya halin Masar na 1952, wanda kuma aka sani da juyin mulkin 1952 ( Arabic ) [1] [2] [3] da juyin juya halin Yuli 23 ( Arabic ), wani lokaci ne na gagarumin sauyin siyasa, tattalin arziki, da zamantakewa a Masar. A ranar 23 ga watan Yulin shekarar 1952 ne aka fara juyin juya hali tare da hambarar da sarki Farouk a wani juyin mulki da kungiyar 'yan ta'adda ta 'Free Officers Movement', wani gungun hafsoshin soji karkashin jagorancin Mohamed Naguib da Gamal Abdel Nasser suka yi. [4] Ya haifar da guguwar siyasar juyin-juya hali a cikin kasashen Larabawa, kuma ta ba da gudummawa wajen habaka mulkin mallaka, da ci gaban hadin kan duniya ta uku a lokacin yakin cacar baka . [5] [6]

Duk da cewa tun farko an mayar da hankali ne kan korafe-korafen da aka yi wa Sarki Farouk, kungiyar tana da burin siyasa. A cikin shekaru uku na farko na juyin juya halin Musulunci, Jami'an 'Yanci sun yi yunkurin kawar da tsarin mulkin Masarautar tsarin mulki da sarakunan Masar da Sudan, da kafa jamhuriya, da kawo karshen mamayar da Birtaniyya ke yi a kasar, da kuma tabbatar da 'yancin kai na Sudan (wanda a baya ake yi masa mulkin mallaka na Masar da Ingila ). [7] Gwamnatin juyin-juya-hali ta dauki wani ajandar kishin kasa, da kyamar mulkin mulkin mallaka, wadda ta zo a bayyane ta hanyar kishin kasa na Larabawa, da rashin jituwar kasa da kasa. [8] [9]

Juyin juya halin ya fuskanci barazana nan take daga kasashen yammacin turai, musamman kasar Birtaniya, wacce ta mamaye Masar tun a shekara ta 1882, da kuma Faransa, wadanda dukkansu suka yi taka-tsan-tsan da tashe-tashen hankula na kishin kasa a yankunan da suke karkashin ikonsu a fadin Afirka, da kuma kasashen Larabawa. Yakin da ake ci gaba da gwabzawa da Isra'ila ya kuma kasance babban kalubale, yayin da jami'an 'yantar da 'yanci suka kara yawan goyon bayan Masar ga Falasdinawa. Wadannan batutuwa guda biyu sun hadu a shekara ta biyar na juyin juya halin Musulunci lokacin da Ingila, Faransa, da Isra'ila suka mamaye Masar a cikin rikicin Suez na 1956 (wanda aka sani a Masar a matsayin zalunci uku ). Duk da dimbin hasarar da sojoji suka yi, ana kallon yakin a matsayin wata nasara ta siyasa ga Masar, musamman ganin yadda ya bar mashigar ruwa ta Suez cikin ikon Masar a karon farko tun shekara ta 1875, tare da shafe abin da ake kallo a matsayin wata alama ta wulakanci da kasa baki daya. Wannan ya kara karfafa kira ga juyin juya hali a wasu kasashen Larabawa. [10] [11]

gyare-gyaren aikin noma, da manyan tsare-tsare na masana'antu an fara su ne a cikin shekaru goma da rabi na farko na juyin juya halin Musulunci, wanda ya kai ga wani lokacin gina ababen more rayuwa da ba a taba ganin irinsa ba. A cikin 1960s, gurguzancin Larabawa ya zama babban jigo, yana mai da Masar ta zama tattalin arzikin da aka tsara a tsakiya. Tsoron hukuma game da juyin-juya hali da kasashen yammacin duniya ke daukar nauyi, da tsattsauran ra'ayin addini na cikin gida, yuwuwar kutsawa cikin gurguzu, da rikici da kasar Isra'ila, duk an bayyana su a matsayin dalilan da suka tilasta tsauraran takunkumin da aka dade a kan adawar siyasa, da kuma haramta tsarin jam'iyyu da yawa. Wadannan hane-hane kan harkokin siyasa za su ci gaba da kasancewa har zuwa lokacin shugabancin Anwar Sadat daga shekara ta 1970 zuwa gaba, inda aka yi watsi da da yawa daga cikin manufofin juyin juya halin Musulunci. [12]

Nasarorin farko na juyin juya halin Musulunci sun karfafa wasu gungun masu kishin kasa da dama a wasu kasashe, irin su Aljeriya, inda aka yi tawaye na adawa da mulkin mallaka da na mulkin mallaka kan daulolin Turawa. Har ila yau, ya zaburar da kifar da masarautu da gwamnatocin da ke goyon bayan kasashen yamma a Gabas ta Tsakiya da Arewacin Afirka. Ana tunawa da juyin juya halin kowace shekara a ranar 23 ga Yuli. [13]

Bayani da dalilai

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Daular Muhammad Ali

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Tarihin Masar a karni na 19 da farkon karni na 20 an bayyana shi ne ta hanyar mulkin mabambantan sarakunan daular Muhammad Ali da suka biyo baya da kuma kutsawa cikin al'amuran Masar na manyan kasashen duniya, musamman kasar Ingila. Daga 1805, Masar ta shiga wani lokaci na zamani na cikin sauri a ƙarƙashin Muhammad Ali Pasha, wanda ya ayyana kansa Khedive tare da ƙin yarda da sunan suzerain, Sultan Ottoman . A cikin shekaru da dama, Muhammad Ali ya canza Masar daga lardin Ottoman da aka yi watsi da shi zuwa wata kasa mai cin gashin kanta ta dan lokaci wacce ta dan lokaci daular Usmaniyya da kanta don mamaye yankin Gabashin Bahar Rum, da Mashriq . Muhammad Ali ya ci Sudan ta Kudu, ya mamaye Gabashin Afrika, sannan ya jagoranci Masar a lokacin yakin Masar na farko da Ottoman da na Masar da Ottoman na biyu, wanda ya haifar da rikicin Gabas . [14] A sakamakon wadannan yaƙe-yaƙe, an kori Masar daga Levant, amma an ba da izinin ci gaba da yankin Sudan. Bayan mutuwar Muhammad Ali, magajinsa Abbas I da Sa'id sun yi ƙoƙari su zamanantar da Masar, kamar fara gina mashigar ruwa ta Suez . Saboda shiga aikin soja, an kara haraji ga masu fada aji domin a samu karin filaye da manoma ( fellahin a Larabci). Makiyaya sun ci gaba da rasa hanyar shiga kasarsu yayin da auduga ya zama babban amfanin gona a Masar. [15]

A karkashin Isma'il the Magnificent, Masar ta shiga cikin shirye-shirye na zamani na zamani da yakin fadada sojoji a Sudan da Gabashin Afirka. Isma'il ya kara kaimi sosai wajen baiwa manoma da matsakaitan 'yan kasar Masar, wadanda manyan attajiran kasar Masar suka mayar da su saniyar ware a fagen siyasa da tattalin arziki. A wannan lokacin ne aka samu hazikan Masar; ajin zamantakewa na Masarawa masu ilimi da suka yi karatu sosai a siyasa da al'adu da aka sani da Effendi . A karkashin ministan ilimi Ali Pasha Mubarak, tsarin ilimin jama'a a Masar ya bunkasa fannin ilimin kishin kasa. [16] [17] A wannan lokacin ne Italiyawa, Girkawa, Faransanci, Armeniyawa, Yahudawa, da sauran kungiyoyi suka yi hijira zuwa Masar, suka kafa wata karamar al'umma amma masu arziki da siyasa mai karfi. [18] Baƙi ba su kasance ƙarƙashin dokokin Masar ba, amma sun bi ta wani tsarin kotu na daban da aka sani da Kotunan Haɗaɗɗiyar . [19] Isma'il kuma ya kafa majalisar dokokin Masar ta farko. [20] Wannan lokaci na ilimi a Masar, da kuma kasashen Larabawa gaba daya, daga baya ya zama sunan Nahda . Haɗe da ƙaƙƙarfan ƙawar Isma'il ga mulkin ƙasar Masar, wannan ya ba da gudummawa ga haɓaka kishin ƙasar Masar, musamman a cikin sojoji. Duk da haka, yakin da aka yi da Habasha ya ƙare a cikin bala'i, amma ya kara tayar da baitul na Masar. An kafa Caisse de la Dette Publique (Hukumar Bashi ta Jama'a) a matsayin hanyar da Masar za ta biya basussukan ta.

Manyan manufofin Isma'il sun yi tsada sosai, kuma matsin tattalin arziki ya tilasta masa sayar da hannun jarin Masar a cikin Kamfanin Universal Company na Maritime Canal na Suez, kamfanin da ya mallaki kwangilar shekaru 99 don kula da mashigin Suez. Siyar da magudanar ruwa na Canal shekaru bayan an gina shi da kashe rayukan Masarawa kusan 80,000 ana kallonsa a matsayin wulakanci na kasa, musamman yadda ya baiwa mai siyan, Burtaniya, tushe na tsoma baki cikin al'amuran Masar. Ba da dadewa ba, Ƙasar Ingila, tare da sauran Manyan Mahukunta, suka kori Isma’il, suka goyi bayan ɗansa, Tewfik Pasha .

Ana kallon Tewfik a matsayin dan tsana na kasashen waje da suka sauke mahaifinsa, hasashe da manufofinsa na danniya suka kara karfi. Rashin gamsuwa da mulkin Tewfik ya haifar da tawayen Urabi na 1881, karkashin jagorancin sojoji masu kishin kasa karkashin Ahmed Urabi . Urabi ya fito ne daga dangin manoma, kuma hawansa a matsayin soja duk da kaskantar da kansa ya samu ta hanyar sauye-sauyen Isma'il - wanda ya ga cewa Tewfik ya kai masa hari. Hasashen rashin zaman lafiya a Masar, da kuma hadarin da ke tattare da mashigin Suez Canal, ya sa Birtaniya ta shiga tsakani ta hanyar soji don goyon bayan Tewfik.

Mayar da Birtaniyya a karkashin 'Viled Protectorate'

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Bayan Yaƙin Anglo-Egypt, Ƙasar Ingila ta kasance mai iko a kan ƙasar, yanayin al'amuran da aka sani da suna kariya mai rufi . A cikin shekarun da suka biyo baya, Birtaniya za ta tabbatar da matsayinta na siyasa da na soja a Masar, daga bisani kuma a cikin yankunan Masar a Sudan, tare da babban wakilin Birtaniya a Alkahira yana da karfi fiye da Khedive kansa. A shekara ta 1888, a taron Constantinople, Birtaniya ta sami 'yancin kare mashigar ruwa ta Suez da karfin soja, inda ta bai wa Biritaniya wani sansani na dindindin wanda daga nan ne za ta mamaye siyasar Masar.

A cikin 1899, Birtaniya ta tilasta wa magajin Tewfik a matsayin Khedive, Abbas na kishin kasa, ya canza Sudan daga wani yanki mai mahimmanci na Masar zuwa Anglo-Masar Sudan, wani gidan cin abinci wanda za a raba ikon mallakar tsakanin Masar da Birtaniya. Da zarar an kafa shi, gidan kwandon ya shaida yadda ikon Masar ke raguwa, kuma yawancin wanzuwarsa za a gudanar da shi ta aikace-aikacen Burtaniya ta hannun Gwamna-Janar a Khartoum. A dai dai lokacin da ya rage a mulkinsa, wannan zai kasance daya daga cikin abubuwan da ke faruwa tsakanin Khedive Abbas na biyu mai kishin kasa da Birtaniya, inda Abbas ke neman kamawa da kuma sauya tsarin kara karfin Birtaniya a Masar da Sudan.

Kishin kasa na Masarawa yana tasowa a karkashin munanan manufofin tattalin arziki na Birtaniya. Masu fafutukar kishin kasa irin su Mostafa Kamil Pasha, Abdullah an-Nadeem da Yaqub Sanu sun yi gwagwarmaya don samun yancin cin gashin kai ga Masar. Kalmar "Masar ga Masarawa" ta kasance kukan da jama'a ke taruwa a tsakanin 'yan kishin kasa domin nuna rashin amincewarsu da alfarmar baki. A wannan lokacin ne manyan batutuwa guda biyar na jayayya a tsakanin 'yan kishin kasa suka yi hasashe:

  1. Matsayin siyasa na Sudan - wanda aka yi mulkin a matsayin haɗin gwiwa na haɗin gwiwar Anglo-Masar amma a matsayin mulkin mallaka na Birtaniya bayan tawayen Mahdist.
  2. Mallakar Kanal Suez Canal
  3. Matsayin sojojin Masar - wanda aka rushe bayan tawayen 1882 - da kuma girke sojojin Birtaniya a Masar.
  4. Mulkin majalisar dokokin Masar : ikonsa na shari'a game da baki da 'yancin kai daga tasirin Burtaniya
  5. Haƙƙin Masar na kulla dangantakar ketare ba tare da Biritaniya ba

Bayan shigar da Daular Usmaniyya a yakin duniya na farko a matsayin memba na manyan kasashen tsakiya a shekara ta 1914, Birtaniya ta kori Abbas II domin goyon bayan kawunsa mai goyon bayan Birtaniya, Hussein Kamel . An kawo karshen almara na shari'a na mulkin Ottoman, kuma an sake kafa Masarautar Sarkin Musulmi, da Daular Usmaniyya ta lalata a 1517, tare da Hussein Kamel a matsayin Sultan . Duk da maido da mulkin mallaka, ikon Birtaniyya a Masar da Sudan bai ragu ba, yayin da Burtaniya ta ayyana Masar a matsayin mai kare hakkin Burtaniya. Yayin da ba a shigar da Masar cikin daular Burtaniya ba, tare da Sarkin Burtaniya bai taba zama mai mulkin Masar ba, matsayin Masar a matsayin mai karewa ya hana duk wani yancin kai na gaske ga sultan. Ga dukkan alamu, Masarautar Masarautar Masarautar Burtaniya tana da iko sosai kamar yadda Khedivate na Masar ta kasance.

Masarautar Masar

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Bayan yakin duniya na daya, masu kishin kasar Masar sun yi kokarin tura wata tawaga (Larabci: Wafd) zuwa taron zaman lafiya na Paris don sake yin shawarwari don samun 'yancin kai na Masar. Lokacin da Biritaniya ta ki amincewa, fushin 'yan kishin kasa kan ikon Birtaniyya ya barke a cikin juyin juya halin Masar na 1919, wanda ya sa Burtaniya ta amince da 'yancin kai na Masar a 1922 a matsayin Masarautar Masar . Duk da haka, har yanzu Biritaniya tana riƙe da haƙƙoƙin Sudan, daularta a Masar da baƙi: [21] [22]

Sarkin Masar Farouk na daya a majalisar dokokin kasar yana sauraron jawabin Mustafa el-Nahhas Pasha .

Babbar jam'iyyar bayan juyin juya hali ita ce jam'iyyar Wafd karkashin jagorancin Sa'ad Zaghoul da magajinsa Mostafa al-Nahhas . Kundin tsarin mulkin Masar na 1923 ya haifar da ingantaccen tsarin sarauta - duk da rashin kuskure - tsarin mulkin tsarin mulki. [23] Zaɓen maza na duniya ya bai wa Masarawa damar jefa ƙuri'a a zaɓen 'yan majalisar dokoki, duk da haka sarkin yana da ikon korar majalisar ministoci, rusa majalisar dokoki da nada firayim minista. [24] An raba siyasa a Masar tsakanin wakilan masu sassaucin ra'ayi da tsarin sarauta na mazan jiya. Wafd yana da ɗan abin da zai bayar a waje na kare tsarin sassaucin ra'ayi da yin shawarwari don samun 'yancin kai; Manyan jiga-jiganta har yanzu sun kasance ’yan jari-hujja masu arzikin kasa wadanda ba su bayar da wani shiri mai tsauri ba a tsarin tattalin arzikin gargajiya na manoma da masu gidaje. [25] Yayin da Wafd ya sami farin jini na gaske a tsakanin al'umma, mummunan yanayin tattalin arzikin Masar da ya fara a shekarun 1930 tare da gazawar gwamnatin 1923 wajen magance wadannan batutuwan da ya dace ya haifar da karuwar kungiyoyin gurguzu da na kwadago.

Wafd ya yi imanin cewa ta hanyar yin shawarwari a hankali, za ta iya tabbatar da cikakken 'yancin kai na Masar. Masar ta yi nasara wajen soke Kotunan Mixed a 1937, [26] [27] ta soke Hukumar Ba da Lamuni ta Jama'a a 1940, da yin shawarwari kan yarjejeniyar Anglo-Masar ta 1936 . Wannan yarjejeniya ta iyakance iyakar sojojin Birtaniya a Masar (sai dai dangane da magudanar ruwa na Suez da Sudan), da kuma samar da ingantattun sojojin Masar.

Shekaru goma na ƙarshe: 1942-1952

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, Masar ta kasance babban sansanin ƙawance na yaƙin neman zaɓe na Arewacin Afirka . Masar ta kasance cikin tsaka tsaki a hukumance a karkashin makonnin rufe yakin, duk da haka, yankinta ya zama fagen fama tsakanin Allies da Axis Powers. A cikin 1942, Sarkin Masar Farouk matashi ya ki nada al-Nahhas firaministan kasar karkashin jagorancin al'amarin fadar Abdeen, inda sojojin Birtaniya suka kewaye fadar Farouk, suka umarce shi da bindiga ya nada al-Nahhas. [28] Ko da yake hafsoshin sojan kishin kasa, ciki har da Mohamed Naguib, sun roki Farouk da ya yi tsayin daka, tura tankokin yaki da manyan bindigogi na Burtaniya a wajen fadar sarki ya tilasta wa Sarkin amincewa. Wannan lamarin ya lalata martabar ’yan mazan jiya na Sarki Farouk da al-Nahhas’ Wafd. Mika kai ga Birtaniya ya gamsar da yawancin masu kishin kasar Masar cewa kawar da dukkan tsarin na 1923 ne kadai zai iya kawo karshen mamayar da Ingila ta yi wa Masar. [23]

Hoton ɗan kishin ƙasar Masar Ahmed Hussein don samun cikakken 'yancin kai

Masanin tarihi Selma Botman ta bayyana halin da marigayi Wafd ya kasance: [23]

In contrast to the ideologically defined programs of the nonestablishment parties, the Wafd never developed a comprehensive plan to remedy the deep social and economic problems that troubled the country. As this became increasingly apparent, the population began to lose faith in the party, especially as conditions for consumers deteriorated during wartime. Thus, even when the party passed reformist legislation between 1942 and 1944 or 1950 and 1952, it could no longer convince the majority of the population that it held the country's best interests in mind. Instead, in these years of growing politicization of the people, many believed that the Wafd harbored the fear that the nationalist movement would become too radical and go beyond the existing framework of acceptable political and economic discourse.

Bayan shekaru da dama na 'yancin kai na bogi, fadace-fadace da tabarbarewar yanayin tattalin arziki, siyasa mai tsattsauran ra'ayi ta cinye Masar. An kafa kungiyar 'yan uwa musulmi a shekara ta 1928, inda ta yi yunkurin farfado da Musulunci a kan mulkin mallaka da zamani. Ƙungiyoyin hagu kamar Jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci ta Masar, Iskra, da Democratic Movement for National Liberation sun haɗu da ɗimbin ma'aikata masu yajin aiki, musamman yayin da salon mulkin Sarki Farouk ya ci gaba da cin mutuncin miliyoyin Masarawa da ke cikin talauci. [29] Rikicin 1945 a Masar da zanga-zangar dalibai na 1946 sun nuna bukatar 'yan siyasa su yi shawarwarin cikakken 'yancin kai. [30] [23] Waɗannan zanga-zangar da sauri sun ɗauki juzu'i na antisemitic, suna rikidewa zuwa tsawaita pogrom na al'ummomin Yahudawa na Iskandariya da Alkahira, galibi suna tare da waƙoƙin " mutuwa ga Yahudawa " da ka'idodin makircin antisemitic cewa Yahudawa suna karɓar magani mai fa'ida akan " Masarawa na gaske ." [31] Firayim Minista Ismail Sidky da sakataren harkokin wajen Burtaniya Ernest Bevin sun shiga tattaunawa. [32] Sai dai kuma batutuwan da suka shafi matsayin Sudan da na sojojin Birtaniya sun kawo karshen fatan tattaunawa cikin nasara. [33] [34] Haushin masu kishin kasa ya mayar da hankali ne kan batutuwa biyu, Sudan da Suez. [35] Ta hanyar hura wutar kishin ƙasa, manyan Masarawa sun tilasta wa kansu shiga cikin yaƙin basasa a Falasdinu . [36]

A lokacin yakin Larabawa da Isra'ila a shekara ta 1948, sojojin Masar sun yi yaki a yankin kudancin kasar da Isra'ila . Ko da yake Masar cikin sauri ta sami galaba a kan hamadar Naqab, nasarar da Isra'ila ta yi na kai farmaki ya bar Masar da zirin Gaza kawai . A lokacin aljihun Faluja, wani matashin jami'in Masar mai suna Gamal Abdel-Nasser ya yi suna a matsayin jarumin da ya ci gaba da rike har zuwa lokacin da aka kulla yarjejeniya ta 1949 . Haushi kan cin hanci da rashawa a yakin, kamar jita-jita na fasa-kwaurin bindiga da ya kai ga gazawar sojojin Masar wajen yaki. Da yake dawowa daga yaƙin, wani kwamandan Masar ya yi sharhi: “Haƙiƙanin yaƙin yana Masar ne. [37]

A cikin 1950, Wafd ya kafa gwamnati a karo na karshe. [38] Bayan shekaru na dokar soji da hargitsin siyasa, Wafd ta yi nasara a zabukan 1950 a kan wa'adin ci gaba da yakin siyasarta na tarihi da Burtaniya. Al-Nahhas, wanda yanzu ya cika shekara 70 a duniya, ba shi ne gwarzon kasa da ya kasance a shekarar 1919 ba. Sahihan sauye-sauyen tattalin arziki da kuma yarjejeniyar karshe da Birtaniyya su ne batutuwan da suka fi daukar hankali a wannan rana, tare da wani bangare da ake kira 'Wafdist Vanguards', ya yi yunkurin yin garambawul. A cikin 1950, wani bincike ya nuna cewa kashi 60% na ɗaliban Alkahira suna son ko dai ' zamantakewar zamantakewar Musulunci ', gurguzu ko gurguzu. Hatta dan siyasar Wafd Fuad Sirageddin Pasha ya sanar da cewa yanzu Wafd ya zama 'mai ra'ayin gurguzu'. [38] A aikace, cin hanci da rashawa ya ci gaba da tafiya yayin da dattawan jam'iyyar suka ci gaba da rike madafun iko. Wata sabuwar doka ta iyakance mallakar filaye zuwa feddans 50, amma ba ta da amfani ga ribar filaye da aka dawo da ita da kuma riƙe rigar minista. [38] Daga baya Fuad Sirageddin Pasha ya gaya wa jakadan Amurka cewa: "Na mallaki feddans 8000. Kuna tsammanin ina son Masar ta zama ' yan gurguzu ?" [4] CIA ta yi yunƙurin matsawa Sarki Farouk lamba don yin gyare-gyaren da ya dace da muradun Amurka, amma abin ya ci tura. Masu kawo sauyi a cikin jam'iyyar ba su da karfin zartar da dokokin da ake bukata don kauce wa juyin juya hali; taurin kai da cin hanci da rashawa ya sa Wafd ya kasa kai wa al'ummar Masar. [38]

'Yan sandan Masar sun fafata a yakin Ismaliya

Ƙimar dabarar mashigar ruwa ta Suez ta kasance da kima sosai ga Biritaniya a cikin Yaƙin Cacar baki don mika wuya gaba ɗaya. A wani yunkuri mai ban mamaki, Wafd ya soke yarjejeniyar 1936 a 1951. [32] Zanga-zangar adawa da Birtaniyya ta rikide zuwa wani karamin yakin neman zabe a kan magudanar ruwa; 'Bataliyoyin 'yanci' sun gwabza da sojojin Burtaniya. [39] Gwamnati dai ta yi saurin rasa iko kan lamarin, yayin da dalibai na bangaren dama na masu kishin Islama da na bangaren gurguzu suka tayar da tashin hankali na tashin hankali da fadace-fadace. [30] A ranar 25 ga Janairu, 1952, sojojin Birtaniya dubu bakwai suka umarci 'yan sandan Masar da ke Ismaliya su mika makamansu. Lokacin da 'yan sanda suka ki yarda, sakamakon yakin Ismaliya ya yi sanadin mutuwar Masarawa 56 da 13 na Birtaniya. [40] Washegari kuma, tarzoma ta mamaye birnin Alkahira. Talakawan Masar sun kona shaguna mallakar kasashen waje 750, lamarin da ya janyo asarar kusan Fam miliyan 40-50 na Masar. [40] Baƙar Asabar ita ce ƙarshen Wafd; Washegari aka sallami al-Nahhas. [41]

Bayan al-Nahhas, an nada ’yan siyasa uku masu zaman kansu don tsabtace datti da hargitsi a Masar. Gwamnatoci uku na Ali Maher (27 ga Janairu - Maris 1), Ahmad Nagib al-Hilali (2 Maris - Yuli 2) da Hussein Sirri Pasha (2 ga Yuli - 20 ga Yuli) ko wannensu ya kasa magance lamarin. Maher ta yi sauri don maido da tsari da kwantar da hankulan yanayin tattalin arziki. Ya kirkiro ma'aikatar kula da yankunan karkara don nazarin shawarwarin sake fasalin kasa tare da dage dokar hana fita zuwa watan Fabrairu. Ya yi kokarin samar da gwamnatin hadin kan kasa tare da Wafd, amma sun musanta tayin nasa na mukaman majalisar ministoci da dama. Mu'amalarsa da Wafd, kamar bayar da shawarar kafa gwamnatin hadin kai, ya mayar da abokansa hannun dama kuma ya sa Farouk ya yi maganinsa da wuri-wuri. An tursasa shi da ya gabatar da rahoto kan gobarar Alkahira da ke da alhakin Wafd a matsayin alhakin, amma yaki. Sarkin ya dage zaman majalisar kuma wasu masu biyayya ga fadar gwamnati a majalisar ministoci sun yi murabus. Jakadan na Burtaniya ya ki ganawa da Maher, lamarin da ya tilasta masa yin murabus. [4]

Nagib al-Hilali ya gaji Maher, inda ya dauki hanya mafi inganci. Ya zartas da sabbin dokokin yaki da cin hanci da rashawa tare da kirkiro 'kwamitoci masu tsafta' don yin garambawul ga tsarin mulki. Hilai ya umurci Fuad Sirageddin a tsare shi a gida. Mako guda bayan haka, ya rusa majalisar dokokin kasar, inda ya sanar da sabon zabe a watan Mayu. Zuwa Afrilu, an dage su har abada. Dan jaridar kasar Masar Ihsan Abdel Quddous ya soki gwamnati inda ya rubuta "Cin hanci da rashawa ba ya nufin cin hanci da rashawa na gwamnatin Wafd kadai". Jita-jitar cewa Sarki Farouk zai kori al-Hilali ya sa ya yi murabus a ranar 2 ga Yuli.

Huseinn Sirri ya koma matsayin firaminista don ɗage tsare Siragedin a gidan yari, kodayake bai yi alƙawarin sabon zaɓe ba ko kuma ya ɗage dokar soja. Koyaya, abubuwan da ke faruwa a cikin sojoji ba da da ewa ba sun yi ta yin ta'azzara. A watan Janairu, a wani zabe mai ban mamaki a kungiyar hafsoshi, an zabi 'yan takarar adawa a hukumar gudanarwar kungiyar ofis. A tsakiyar watan Yuli ne Farouk ya mayar da martani inda ya soke zaben tare da nada mutanensa a cikin hukumar. Tare da rikici na rikici, Sirri ya ba da Ma'aikatar Yaƙi ga Janar Muhammad Naguib, wanda aka zaba shugaban kulob din. Lokacin da ya ki amincewa, Sirri ya yi murabus a ranar 20 ga Yuli, bayan ya kasa shawo kan Farouk ya dauki matakin sasantawa ga sojojin. [1] A ranar 22 ga watan Yuli ne Al-Hilali ya koma matsayin firaminista, tare da yin alkawarin ba da cikakken 'yancin zabar majalisar ministocin kasar. Sai dai a lokacin da Farouk ya nada kanin nasa ministan yaki, washegari al-Hilali ya yi murabus.

Harkar Jami'in Kyauta

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

An kafa sojojin Masar na zamani ne sakamakon yarjejeniyar Anglo-Masar ta 1936, wadda ta baiwa sojojin Masar damar fadada daga hafsoshi 398 zuwa 982. [4] Nasser ya yi aiki a Kwalejin Soja ta Obassia, babbar makarantar cadet ta Masar, a cikin 1937. Anwar Sadat ya sauke karatu a Makarantar Soja ta Masar a shekara ta 1938. [42] Sadat ya kasance yana ƙoƙari ya haifar da tawaye na adawa da Birtaniya tun cikin 1940s, amma an kama shi bayan ganawa da 'yan leƙen asirin Nazi guda biyu a 1942. [42] Juyin mulkin Birtaniya na wulakanci a shekara ta 1942 da bala'in da ya faru a Falasdinu ne suka sa aka kafa wata tantanin sirri na jami'an Masar masu juyin juya hali. Bayan shaidar juyin mulkin Siriya a shekara ta 1949, lokacin da sojojin Siriya suka hambarar da gwamnati, radadin tawaye ya bazu ko'ina cikin gawarwakin. Duk da yake ba a san takamaiman ranar ba, a shekara ta 1949 tarurruka da tattaunawa a gidajen jami'an sun fara fara yunkurin 'Yancin Jami'ai. Yayin da jami'ai suka gana da 'yan gurguzu a cikin Democratic Movement for National Liberation (DMNL) da masu kishin Islama a cikin Muslim Brotherhood, kungiya ce mai zaman kanta daga 'yan adawar da ta kasance a baya. [4] Membobin sun dauki alkawarin sirri da hannu daya a kan Alkur'ani, dayan kuma a kan juyin juya hali, kuma sun buga wasu takardu da kasidu da ba a san su ba suna sukar babban kwamandan da gwamnati baki daya kan cin hanci da rashawa. [4] [43] A shekara ta 1952, ya girma sosai wanda 'yan kaɗan sun san ainihin shugabannin maƙarƙashiyar: Colonel Nasser da Janar Naguib. [4]

  • Babban Janar Kamal el-Din Hussein (Manyan bindigogi)
    Babban Janar Kamal el-Din Hussein (Manyan bindigogi)
  • Shugaban Rukunin Hassan Ibrahim (Sojojin sama)
    Shugaban Rukunin Hassan Ibrahim (Sojojin sama)
  • Babban Janar Abdel Hakim Amer (Sojojin ƙasa)
    Babban Janar Abdel Hakim Amer (Sojojin ƙasa)
  • Babban Janar Salah Salem (Manyan bindigogi)
    Babban Janar Salah Salem (Manyan bindigogi)
  • Kwamandan Reshe Abd al-Latif al-Boghdadi (Sojojin sama)
    Kwamandan Reshe Abd al-Latif al-Boghdadi (Sojojin sama)
  • Babban Janar Muhammad Naguib (Masu Gadancin Iyaka)
    Babban Janar Muhammad Naguib (Masu Gadancin Iyaka)
  • Laftanar Kanal Anwar El-Sadat (Sadarwa ta Soja)
    Laftanar Kanal Anwar El-Sadat (Sadarwa ta Soja)
  • Laftanar Kanal Zakaria Mohieddin (Sojojin ƙasa)
    Laftanar Kanal Zakaria Mohieddin (Sojojin ƙasa)
  • Laftanar Kanal Gamal Abdel Nasser (Sojojin ƙasa)
    Laftanar Kanal Gamal Abdel Nasser (Sojojin ƙasa)

Wanda ya kafa hukumar ta CIA, Miles Copeland Jr., ya yi ikirarin kulla alaka da jami’an a wannan lokaci, duk da cewa masanin tarihin Said Aburish ya yi nuni da cewa Amurka ba ta da masaniya game da juyin mulkin sai kwanaki biyu kafin hakan, amma ba ta yi yunkurin hana shi ba bayan tabbatar da cewa ba ‘yan gurguzu ba ne. [44] [43]

Juyin Mulkin Soja

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Mambobin 'Free Officers' sun taru bayan juyin mulkin. Daga hagu zuwa dama: Zakaria Mohieddin, Abdel Latif Boghdadi, Kamel el-Din Hussein, Gamal Abdel Nasser (zaune), Abdel Hakim Amer, Muhammad Naguib, Ahmed Shawki, da Youssef Seddik.

A farkon shekarar 1952, 'Free Officers' sun fara shirya juyin mulkinsu. Sun yi shirin kifar da mulkin sarauta a farkon watan Agusta, amma abubuwan da suka faru ba da daɗewa ba sun sa su gaggauta shirin nasu. A ranar 16 ga Yuli, Sarki Farouk ya ba da umarnin rushe hukumar kula da 'Officers Club', wanda hakan ya sa jami'an suka ji tsoron cewa kama su na gabatowa.

A ranar 23 ga wata, sojojin ƙasa suka kama babban hedkwatar soja kuma suka toshe hanyoyin da ke kaiwa Alkahira. Nasser da Abdel Hakim Amr, a matsayin manyan shugabanni, sun hau mota don ziyartar kowane sashi a Alkahira. Bayan kama babban kwamandansa, Muhammad Abu al-Fadl al-Gizawi ya amsa kiran waya da yawa a matsayin mutumin da ya kama don tabbatar wa babban kwamandan cewa komai ya yi shiru. Da ƙarfe 3:00 na safe, Muhammad Naguib ya isa hedkwatar a Alkahira. Da ƙarfe 7:00 na dare, Sadat —wanda ke cinema a lokacin juyin mulkin— ya sanar a rediyo cewa 'Free Officers' sun karɓi mulki; yanzu Majalisar Gudanarwar Juyin Juya Hali ce ke mulkin Masar.

Bayanin Juyin Juya Hali

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Da ƙarfe 7:30 na safe, gidan rediyo ya watsa sanarwar farko ta juyin mulkin a madadin Janar Naguib ga al'ummar Masar. Ya yi ƙoƙarin tabbatar da juyin mulkin, wanda kuma aka sani da "Motsi Mai Albarka". Mutumin da ya karanta saƙon shi ne 'Free Officer' kuma shugaban Masar nan gaba Anwar Sadat. Juyin mulkin an gudanar da shi ne da jami'ai ƙasa da ɗari — kusan dukkaninsu an samo su ne daga ƙananan matsayi — kuma ya haifar da yanayin farin ciki a kan tituna ta hanyar taron jama'a masu murna.

Samfuri:Quote block

Da yake yanzu cibiyar tallafin Birtaniya ta kasance ba ta da tasiri, Sarki Farouk ya nemi sa hannun Amurka, wacce ba ta amsa ba. Har zuwa ranar 25 ga wata, sojoji sun mamaye Alexandria, inda Sarkin ke zaune a Fadar Montaza. Cikin tsoro, Farouk ya bar Montaza ya gudu zuwa Fadar Ras Al Teen da ke gabar teku. Naguib ya umarci kyaftin jirgin ruwan Farouk, al-Mahrusa, kada ya tashi ba tare da umarnin soja ba.

An yi muhawara tsakanin 'Free Officers' game da makomar sarkin da aka sauke. Duk da yake wasu (ciki har da Janar Naguib da Nasser) sun yi tunanin cewa mafi kyawun hanya ita ce a kore shi zuwa gudun hijira, wasu sun yi jayayya cewa ya kamata a kai shi kotu ko a kashe shi. A ƙarshe, umarni ya zo wa Farouk ya sauka daga mulki don ɗansa, Yarima Ahmed Fuad – wanda aka naɗa shi a matsayin Sarki Fuad II – kuma an naɗa Majalisar Mulki mai mambobi uku. Tsohon sarkin ya tashi zuwa gudun hijira a ranar 26 ga Yuli, 1952 kuma da ƙarfe 6 na yamma ya tashi zuwa Italiya tare da kariya daga sojojin Masar.

Haɗin Kai

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Samfuri:Gaskiya

Hoton:Maher and Naguib.jpg|thumb|Firaminista Ali Maher da shugaban RCC Mohammad Naguib a shekarar 1952

An kafa Majalisar Kula da Juyin Juya Hali (RCC), wadda ta kunshi kwamitin jagoranci na Jami'an 'Yanci mai membobi tara na baya, tare da wasu mambobi biyar, karkashin jagorancin Naguib. An nemi Ali Maher ya kafa gwamnatin farar hula.[45] Batun farko ya shafi kundin tsarin mulki na 1923. An fahimci muhawarar Ali Maher cewa "nan da nan mayar da tsarin mulki" zai "bar kasar da kundin tsarin mulki mara kyau, tsarin zabe mara dacewa, da kuma gwamnati mara inganci, mai cike da jam'iyya" ta hanyar hukumomin.[46] An kafa wani tsarin mulki mai mutane uku don kula da harkokin fada, wanda ya kunshi Yarima Muhammad Abdel Moneim, Wafdist Bahey El Din Barakat Pasha da Kanar Rashad Mehanna.

Ka'idoji shida na RCC sune:[47]

  1. kawar da mulkin mallaka da masu haɗin gwiwa da shi
  2. kawo karshen tsarin sarauta
  3. kawo karshen tsarin cinikayya
  4. samar da adalci na zamantakewa
  5. gina rundunar sojoji mai karfi
  6. kafa tsarin dimokradiyya mai kyau

Jami'an ba su so su cire sarki kawai sannan su koma ga gwamnatin farar hula ba. RCC ta yi imanin cewa dukkan tsarin Masar yana bukatar a gyara shi gaba daya, don cire abubuwan 'masu ra'ayin rikau' da kuma maido da zaman lafiya. RCC ba 'yan gurguzu ba ne, amma sun kasance masu karɓar ra'ayin gurguzu na tsarin gargajiya. Jami'an sun fara tsaftace abokan adawar su a Masar don kirkirar sabuwar Masar fiye da siyasar jam'iyya da tashin hankali a tituna.

Gyare-gyaren farko sun kasance masu farin jini amma suna nuna sabon zamani: kawar da hutun rani na gwamnati zuwa Alexandria, kawo karshen tallafin motocin masu zaman kansu ga ministocin majalisar, da kuma soke lakabin girmamawa na bey da pasha. Wasu sun fi tattalin arziki, kamar gyaran haraji, karin albashi ga sojoji da raguwar haya.[48] Batun gaggawa na lokacin shine gyaran kasa. An amince da iyakokin filaye na feddan 200, don rage farashin filaye kuma saboda haka rage haya. Koyaya, hukumomin sun yi karo da Ali Maher. Maher ya yi imanin, kamar yawancin siyasar Masar, cewa ana buƙatar gyara jihar gaba daya. A wannan lokacin, yawancin Masarawa sun yi imanin cewa tsarin 1923 yana buƙatar a sake gina shi gaba daya. Maher ya karbi mulki tare da umarnin cigaba da gyare-gyaren sa. An fadada dokar 'samun haramtacciyar riba' don kawo karshen cin hanci da rashawa, kuma an kafa 'kwamitin tsaftacewa' don 'tsaftace' jam'iyyun. Maher ya ki kirkiro majalisa ko sanar da sabbin zabe; maimakon haka ya goyi bayan dokar soja na akalla rabin shekara.[49] Koyaya, Maher ya shiga rikici da jami'an. Jami'an sun yi shakkar 'yan siyasa na gargajiya, kuma sun ba Maher jerin sunayen waɗanda za a nada don mukaman majalisar ministoci, wanda Maher ya ki. Maher, da kansa mai mallakar filaye, maimakon haka ya yi imanin cewa rarraba filaye zai lalata tattalin arziki ta hanyar rage yawan aiki da hana saka hannun jari na kasashen waje. Ya ba da shawarar ingantaccen tsarin haraji mai ci gaba akan filaye da iyakokin feddan 500, inda za a haraji karin filaye a kashi 80%.[50] Masu mallakar filaye sun ba da shawarar iyakokin feddan 1,000, tare da karin kebe na feddan 100 ga kowace mata da ɗa da feddan 50 ga kowace diya.[51]

Wani bincike na 2024 ya gano cewa bayan juyin mulki, jami'an da ke da manyan mukamai kuma suna da alaƙa da sarkin da aka cire, sun fi dacewa a kore su, yayin da ƙwararrun ma'aikatan gwamnati da masu ilimin jami'a sun fi dacewa a rike su a matsayin wani ɓangare na gwamnati.[52]Hoton:1953 Egypt revolution celebrations.jpg|thumb|right|Mambobin Jami'an 'Yanci da taron jama'a a Alkahira suka tarbe su a watan Janairu 1953. Tsaye a cikin motar, daga hagu zuwa dama: Youssef Seddik, Salah Salem, Gamal Abdel Nasser da Abdel Latif Boghdadi

'Tsaftace' Jam'iyya

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Hoton:Hadi smoking during trial.jpg|left|thumb|Tsohon Firaministan Masar Abdel Hady, mai shekaru 57, ya kunna sigari, bayan yanke masa hukunci a makon da ya gabata ta Kotun Soja ta Naguib. A ranar 7 ga Satumba, an kori Ali Maher, kuma an kama wasu 'yan siyasa 64, ciki har da Foaud Sergeddin. Washegari gwamnati ta ba da umarnin iyakokin feddan 200. Da farko an yi la'akari da masanin shari'ar Masar Abd El-Razzak El-Sanhuri don maye gurbin Maher, amma damuwar Amurka game da sa hannun Sanhuri a rokon Stockholm na 1951 ya haifar da nada Naguib a matsayin firaminista.[53] An kuma yi la'akari da Rashad al-Barawi, amma jakadan Amurka Jefferson Caffery ya ki wannan ra'ayin, yana kiran al-Barawi 'kwamiti'.[53]

Hukumomin sun matsa don gyaran jam'iyya, kawar da abubuwan cin hanci da rashawa na gargajiya a cikin jam'iyyun da aka kafa. Wafd da sauri ya kafa "kwamitin tsaftacewa", yana korar mambobi goma sha hudu, daya ne kawai daga cikinsu ke da wani gagarumin iko. Tsoffin Wafdists sun yi adawa da kiran tsaftacewa, yayin da matasa suka goyi bayan kawar da tsoffin jagorori. A ranar 9 ga Satumba, an rushe dukkan jam'iyyun kuma dole ne su nemi sabon takardar shaidar tare da jerin sunayen mambobin kafa, bayanan kudi da shirin jam'iyya. Duk wanda ke fuskantar tuhumar cin hanci da rashawa ya kasance ba shi da cancanta ga zama memba. RCC ta ki amincewa da takardar shaidar Wafd muddin Nahhas, wanda ya ki haduwa da Naguib muddin Sergeddin yana kurkuku, an jera shi a matsayin shugaban jam'iyya da mai kafa. Lauyan Masar Sulayman Hafez ya takaita ra'ayin RCC game da Nahhas lokacin da ya kira shi "ciwon daji a cikin siyasa."[54] An saki fursunonin Satumba a ranar 6 ga Disamba, ranar karshe da za a iya tsare su ba tare da tuhuma ba. Shari'ar kan sabon takardar shaidar Wafd ta tafi Majalisar Jiha a ranar 10 ga Janairu, 1953. A ranar 17 ga watan, hukumomin sun sanar da soke dukkan jam'iyyun siyasa, inda Naguib zai yi mulki a cikin tsarin mulki na shekaru uku. Hukumomin sun ba da hujjar umarninsu saboda juriya ga 'tsaftacewa' da adawa ga gyaran kasa. Jami'an sun raina juriya na tsarin sassaucin ra'ayi, kuma sun nemi kawo karshen 'harshen ra'ayin rikau' na tsohon tsarin.[55]

A ranar 21 ga Fabrairu, Naguib ya kirkiro kwamitin tsarin mulki na mutum hamsin. Ali Maher ya zama shugaba, wanda daga baya ya raba kwamitin zuwa kwamitocin kasa guda biyar kuma ya nada kwamitin zartarwa mai mutum biyar. Kafin Maris sun amince da kafa Jamhuriyar, yana kawo karshen mulkin sarauta. Koyaya, kwamitin ba maye gurbin majalisa ba ne; jami'an ba su dauke shi da muhimmanci ba, waɗanda suka sanar da cewa Masar jamhuriya ce kuma an zabi Naguib a matsayin shugaban kasa a ranar 18 ga Yuni, ba tare da amincewar kwamitin ba.[56]

Kafin Satumba, an kafa Kotun Juyin Juya Hali, wadda ta kunshi jami'ai uku kawai a matsayin alkalai, Abdel Baghdadi, Anwar Sadat da Hasan Ibrahim. A cikin jawabin da aka yi a Dandalin Tahrir, Salah Salim ya bayyana yadda mulkin mallaka a Masar bai yi mulki da sojoji ko makamai ba, amma "masu cin amana". Salim ya bayyana RCC a matsayin mai sadaukarwa ga "gwagwarmaya da mulkin mallaka da masu cin amana na Masar da suka yi hidima". Masu cin amana suna yada jita-jita da nufin rudar da tattalin arziki da kuma haifar da kiyayya ga sojoji, musamman ta hanyar jami'o'i. Duk da cewa bai ambaci kowa kai tsaye ba, kwaikwayon shugaban jam'iyya yana sumbatar hannun Sarki ya kasance yana nuna al-Nahhas. Jawabin Salim ya fi bayyana tunanin RCC cewa masu zanga-zangar dalibai da yajin aikin ma'aikata wani bangare ne na makircin adawa da juyin juya hali.

A cikin mako guda na jawabin, gwamnati ta kama 'yan siyasa goma sha daya, kuma ta sanya Nahhas da matarsa a gidan yari. Shari'ar tsohon firaminista kuma shugaban Sa'adist Ibrahim Abdel Hady kan cin hanci da kisan Hasan al-Banna ta dauki mako guda kawai kafin kotu ta yanke masa hukuncin kisa, daga baya aka canza shi zuwa daurin rai da rai bayan kwana uku. Yawancin wadanda ake tuhuma ko dai sun sami hukuncin shekaru 10-15, an kwace musu dukiya, ko kuma an ci tarar su. Hukuncin mafi tsanani ya kasance ga masu haɗin gwiwa na Biritaniya a cikin tashin hankalin Suez – daga cikin goma sha uku da aka shari'a, goma sha daya an yanke musu hukunci, an rataye hudu, daya ya sami daurin rai da rai kuma sauran an yanke musu hukuncin shekaru 10-15.

Shari'ar Fouad Serageddin ta fi wuce tuhume-tuhume – cin hanci na £EP 5,000, satar makamai a lokacin yakin 1948, barin sarki ya canza kudade zuwa waje, cin moriyar doka daga hanyar shimfida hanya a matsayin ministan sufuri a 1945, da kuma hadin kai don mallakar masana'antar auduga – dukkan cibiyar Wafd ta kasance a shari'a. Hukumar shari'a ta fi mayar da hankali kan yadda Serageddin ya hau mulki a cikin Wafd da kuma kasawar sa a gwamnatin 1950. Abokan adawar Serageddin, manyan mutane na gwamnatin sassaucin ra'ayi ta Masar, sun hau kan kujerar shaidu don bayyana korafe-korafe na mutum. Shaidu sun haɗa da tsoffin firaministoci (Naguib al-Hilali, Hussein Sirri, Ali Maher), Mohammed Hussein Heikal, da Makram Ebeid. A cikin kare kansa, Serageddin ya sanya kansa a matsayin mai kishin kasa mai girman kai, yana mai nuni da umarninsa ga 'yan sandan Ismalia kada su mika makamansu a 1951. A karshe, an yanke masa hukuncin shekaru goma sha biyar, amma an sake shi a 1956.[57]

Lokacin da aka haramta jam'iyyun siyasa, RCC ta kafa Liberation Rally, wata kungiya da za ta hada dukkan kungiyoyin siyasa na baya. Duk da cewa tana da tasiri a wuraren tarurruka da jawabi, ba ta da iko iri daya kamar Brotherhood, Wafd ko DMNL. Taron ya kasance kayan aiki ga jami'an, saboda rashin shiga sauran manyan masu fada a ji a fagen siyasar Masar.

A adawa da sabon tsarin mulki tare da bayyananniyar tsatsar addini ita ce kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi. Bugu da kari, sabanin umarnin da majalisar ta bayar, mambobin Liberation Rally sun tara yawancin kadarorin da ba na Musulmi ba kuma suka rarraba su tsakanin hanyoyin sadarwarsu na kusa. Cike da fushi saboda an barsu daga siyasa da tattalin arziki kuma suna ganin cigaban tsatsar addini da zamantakewa a cikin kungiyar Free Officers Movement kamar yadda ta wanzu a karkashin Sarki, kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi ta shirya abubuwan da suka shafi titi. Daga Yuni 1953 zuwa shekarar da ta biyo baya, Masar ta yi fama da tarzoma a tituna, rikice-rikice, kona-kona, da rikicin farar hula yayin da gwamnati da kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi suka yi fafatawa don samun goyon bayan jama'a.

Rikicin Adawa da Hagu

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

An kafa dangantaka tsakanin RCC da DMNL kafin juyin mulki. Shugaban DMNL Ahmad Hamrush ya hadu da Nasser a ranar 22 ga Yuli, kuma ya dora masa alhakin tattara sojoji masu biyayya a Alexandria.[58] DMNL tana da alaƙa a cikin tsarin sojoji, tare da kusan jami'ai sittin zuwa saba'in a cikin reshen sojoji, ciki har da Khaled Mohieddin. Ahmad Hamrush, shugaban reshen sojoji na DMNL, ba memba ne na Free Officers ba amma an ba shi sanarwa game da juyin mulki, daga baya ya raba shi da sauran DMNL.[59]

Rikici na farko tsakanin jami'an da kungiyar ma'aikata ya fara ne wata daya bayan juyin mulki. A birnin Kafr al Dawar, ma'aikatan gida sun fara yajin aiki don neman karin albashi, hutu mai albashi, kungiyar kwadago mai zaman kanta, da kuma korar mambobin ma'aikatan gudanarwa guda biyu.[60] Dubban ma'aikata a birnin sun yi yajin aiki, suna rera taken yabon Mohammed Naguib. Ma'aikatan sun kona gidajen 'yan sandan kamfanin, sun lalata fayilolin ma'aikata a ofisoshin kamfanin da wuraren kiwon lafiya, kuma sun farfasa kayan aiki da aka yi amfani da su don gwada yawan aiki.[61][62][63] An kira 'yan sanda, sun kewaye masana'antar; rikici tsakanin ma'aikata da 'yan sanda ya bar mutane da yawa da rauni kuma wasu sun mutu.[64] Naguib ya hadu da Mustafa al-Khamis, daya daga cikin shugabannin yajin aikin, kuma ya ba shi hukunci mai sauki idan zai ba da sunan abokan aiki. Ya ki, kuma an rataye shi har lahira a filin masana'antar, tare da abokin hadin gwiwa Ahmad al-Bakri a ranar 7 ga Satumba, 1952.[65] Kalamansa na karshe sune "An yi min zalunci, ina so a sake shari'a."[66][67] RCC ta gamsu cewa yajin aikin ya samo asali ne daga karfin waje, duk da cewa babu wata hujja da ke nuna cewa DMNL ta ba da umarnin tarzomar.[68][69]

Jam'iyyar Kwaminisanci ta Masar (ECP) ta yi adawa da sojoji mako guda bayan juyin mulki. ECP ba da daɗewa ba ta lakabi sojoji 'babban zamba' bayan sun kasa gurfanar da sarki a gaban kuliya, sun kasa soke masarauta nan da nan, kuma sun kasa dawo da haƙƙoƙin siyasa nan da nan.[70] Wanda ya kafa jam'iyyar, Ismail Sabri Abdullah ya lura:

Samfuri:Quote block

DMNL, babbar jam'iyyun hagu, ta kasance da adawa da RCC bayan haramta jam'iyyun siyasa a farkon 1953. An tsare masu zanga-zangar jama'a a jami'o'i a makarantar sojoji har sai "sun koyi yadda za su yi hali".[71] Tun daga karshen 1952, hadin gwiwar kwaminisanci-Wafd a zaben dalibai na jami'a ya kayar da kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi, wadda RCC ta goyi baya a lokacin.[72] Tsanantawar kama masu adawa da kwaminisanci ya ci gaba a duk shekarar 1953-1954. A lokacin shari'ar mambobin ECP a ranar 27 ga Yuli, 1953, Mahmud Ghannam – mataimakin sakataren Wafd – ya kasance babban lauyan kare kai, har ma ya nemi a kira Nasser, Naguib da sauran mambobin RCC don yi musu tambayoyi kan dalilin da ya sa za a tuhumi wadanda ake tuhuma da rarraba takardu, yayin da Free Officers kuma suka rarraba takardu kafin juyin mulki. Jami'an ba su karbi wannan kalubalen ba. Kotun daga baya ta saurari shaidar daga Babban Mufti na Masar, wanda ya yi Allah wadai da kwaminisanci a matsayin adawa da addini da 'abin takaici'.[73] Duk da yake DMNL ta yi kokarin samar da hadin kai tare da ragowar Wafd, wannan bai yi tasiri sosai ba. Zanga-zangar dalibai ta ci gaba har zuwa lokacin rani na 1954.[74] Hoton:Nasser and Naguib, 1954.jpg|thumb|Shugabannin Juyin Juya Hali, Mohamed Naguib (hagu) da Gamal Abdel Nasser (dama) a cikin mota

1954

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A watan Janairu, an haramta kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi. Ta ci gaba da zama kungiyar siyasa ba bisa ka'ida ba har zuwa juyin juya halin Masar na 2011.[Ana bukatan hujja] Matakin ya zo ne bayan rikicin tsakanin membobin kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi da masu zanga-zangar dalibai na Liberation Rally a ranar 12 ga Janairu 1954. Maris ya shaida rikice-rikice a cikin RCC, wanda aka nuna a cikin yunkurin da aka yi na korar Naguib wanda a karshe ya yi nasara. Matakin ya fuskanci adawa daga cikin sojoji, kuma wasu mambobin RCC, musamman Khaled Mohieddin, sun goyi bayan komawa ga gwamnatin tsarin mulki. A ranar 26 ga Oktoba, wani yunkurin kisan kai da ake zargi da kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi ne ya yi, an yi shi ne ga Nasser a lokacin wani gangami a Alexandria. Wannan ya haifar da gwamnati ta dauki mataki a kan kungiyar 'Yan Uwa Musulmi, inda aka kashe shugabannin kungiyar a ranar 9 ga Disamba. Daga baya Nasser ya karfafa iko, da farko ya zama shugaban RCC, kuma a karshe firaminista, tare da matsayin tsarin mulki na Naguib wanda ya ci gaba da zama mara tabbas har zuwa ranar 14 ga Nuwamba, lokacin da aka kore shi daga ofis kuma aka sanya shi a gidan yari.

Tunawa da juna

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Celebration of the first anniversary of 1952 Egyptian Revolution

Ana tunawa da zagayowar ranar juyin juya halin Musulunci a ranar 23 ga watan Yuli, wato ranar juyin juya hali a kasar Masar.

Manazarta

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  1. ↑ "Military seizes power in Egypt". 1952.
  2. ↑ "The revolution and the Republic".
  3. ↑ T. R. L (1954). "Egypt since the Coup d'Etat of 1952". The World Today. 10 (4): 140–149. JSTOR 40392721.
  4. ↑ 4.0 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 4.6 Gordon 1992.
  5. ↑ "Egypt – Revolution, Republic, Nile | Britannica". www.britannica.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2024-02-25.
  6. ↑ "Egypt's 23 Revolution – and beyond: challenges and gains". EgyptToday. 2020-07-23. Retrieved 2024-02-25.
  7. ↑ Lahav, Pnina (July 2015). "The Suez Crisis of 1956 and its Aftermath: A Comparative Study of Constitutions, Use of Force, Diplomacy and International Relations". Boston University Law Review. 95 (4): 15–50.
  8. ↑ Poljarevic, Emin (2009-01-01). "Egypt, Revolution of 1952". International Encyclopedia of Revolution and Protest: 1–4. doi:10.1002/9781405198073.wbierp0501. ISBN 978-1-4051-8464-9.
  9. ↑ "Egypt's Revolution and the Lessons for Today – AIIA". Australian Institute of International Affairs (in Turanci). Retrieved 2024-02-25.
  10. ↑ Omar Ashour (7 February 2011). "Egypt's Revolution: Two Lessons from History". Archived from the original on September 21, 2016.
  11. ↑ "Egyptian Revolution of 1952". EgyptToday. 2017-02-19. Retrieved 2024-02-25.
  12. ↑ Mansour, Thaer (2022-07-22). "Egypt's 1952 revolution: Seven decades of military rule" (in Turanci). Retrieved 2024-02-25.
  13. ↑ Babar, Sadia (2022-07-23). "Egypt celebrates 70th anniversary of Revolution Day". The Diplomatic Insight (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-08-27.
  14. ↑ "Egypt – Muhammad Ali, 1805–48". countrystudies.us. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  15. ↑ "Egypt – Social Change in the Nineteenth Century". countrystudies.us. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  16. ↑ "ʿAlī Pasha Mubārak | Egyptian statesman, reformer & educator | Britannica". www.britannica.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  17. ↑ Shouman, Mariam Ahmad (1999-06-01). "Ali Pasha Mubarak's Philosophy of Education and its Relationship to the Emergence of a Modern Bureaucracy in Egypt". Archived Theses and Dissertations.
  18. ↑ Tignor, Robert (July 1980). "The Economic Activities of Foreigners in Egypt, 1920–1950: From Millet to Haute Bourgeoisie". Comparative Studies in Society and History (in Turanci). 22 (3): 416–449. doi:10.1017/S0010417500009427. ISSN 0010-4175.
  19. ↑ Hoyle, Mark S. W. (1986). "The Mixed Courts of Egypt 1875–1885". Arab Law Quarterly. 1 (4): 436–451. doi:10.2307/3381423. ISSN 0268-0556. JSTOR 3381423.
  20. ↑ "Viceroy | Monarchy, Colonialism & Representation | Britannica". www.britannica.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  21. ↑ (Jay A. ed.). Missing or empty |title= (help)
  22. ↑ Archives, The National (2022-03-17). "The National Archives – 100 years ago: 'Egypt is declared to be an independent sovereign State'". The National Archives blog (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 Botman 1991.
  24. ↑ Ghazi, Aly Afify Aly (2013). "Egypt's 1923 Constitution: A Constitution of National Unity". Tabayyun (in Larabci). 1 (3): 109–122. ISSN 2305-2465.
  25. ↑ Terry 1982: "The first generation of Wafdist leaders were then a closely inter-related group of landed aristocrats and wealthy professionals who believed the time had come for them to assume control over an independent Egyptian nation. They were committed to Parliamentary democratic forms on western models, but wanted to save the existing capitalist structures which they anticipated dominating. The Wafd secured massive popular support not because its leaders offered the people radical societal changes., but because it focused its efforts towards ousting the British. The British were viewed as the primary enemy. Once they were removed from Egyptian soil, then the far more complicated task of creating new internal structures could begin. In some respects* the Wafd was fortunate that the British proved such stubborn opponents, for as long as the British remained the focal point of hostilities, the Wafd was not under heavy pressure to formulate a domestic program for development. On the other hand, the lack of such a program gradually eroded much popular commitment to the Wafd, which was increasingly riddled with internal rivalries and charges of corruption. Gradually, the Wafd was to become another symbol of the irrelevant and politically bankrupt Egyptian government which neither answered the needs of the people nor ousted the British imperial power."
  26. ↑ "Convention Regarding Abolition of Capitulations in Egypt". The American Journal of International Law. 34 (4): 201–225. 1940. doi:10.2307/2213462. ISSN 0002-9300. JSTOR 2213462.
  27. ↑ P., E. (1937). "The Abolition of the Capitulatory Régime in Egypt". Bulletin of International News. 13 (24): 3–7. ISSN 2044-3986. JSTOR 25639661.
  28. ↑ Warburg, Gabriel (1975). "Lampson's Ultimatum to Faruq, 4 February, 1942". Middle Eastern Studies. 11 (1): 24–32. doi:10.1080/00263207508700285. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 4282554.
  29. ↑ "The Egyptian Jewels of King Farouk; Farouking Fabulous". www.gemselect.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  30. ↑ 30.0 30.1 Abdalla 1985.
  31. ↑ "Anti-jewish Riots in Egypt; Synagogues Burned in Cairo; Six Killed in Alexandria". Jewish Telegraphic Agency. 20 March 2015.
  32. ↑ 32.0 32.1 Terry 1982.
  33. ↑ Slonim, Shlomo (1987). "Origins of the 1950 Tripartite Declaration on the Middle East". Middle Eastern Studies. 23 (2): 137. doi:10.1080/00263208708700696. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 4283168.
  34. ↑ "14. Anglo-Egyptian Sudan (1922-1956)". uca.edu (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  35. ↑ Ginat, Rami (2007). "Egypt's Efforts to Unite the Nile Valley: Diplomacy and Propaganda, 1945–47". Middle Eastern Studies. 43 (2): 193–222. doi:10.1080/00263200601114067. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 4284537.
  36. ↑ Eppel, Michael (2012). "The Arab States and the 1948 War in Palestine: The Socio-Political Struggles, the Compelling Nationalist Discourse and the Regional Context of Involvement". Middle Eastern Studies. 48 (1): 1–8. doi:10.1080/00263206.2012.643584. ISSN 0026-3206. JSTOR 23217085.
  37. ↑ Morgan, David. "Sunday Times Reporter Interview with President "Gamal Abdel Nasser"". nasser.bibalex.org. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  38. ↑ 38.0 38.1 38.2 38.3 Gordon 1989.
  39. ↑ "MilitaryHistoryOnline.com – Egypt's Canal Zone Guerrillas: The 'Liberation Battalions' and Auxiliary Police, 1951–1954". www.militaryhistoryonline.com. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  40. ↑ 40.0 40.1 Mason, Michael (1993). "'The decisive volley': The battle of Ismailia and the decline of British influence in Egypt, January–July, 1952". The Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History (in Turanci). 19 (1): 45–64. doi:10.1080/03086539108582828. ISSN 0308-6534.
  41. ↑ "Countries E". rulers.org. Retrieved 2023-11-01.
  42. ↑ 42.0 42.1 Sādāt 1978.
  43. ↑ 43.0 43.1 Aburish 2004.
  44. ↑ Copeland 1970.
  45. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 60.
  46. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 61.
  47. ↑ Botman 1988, p. 116.
  48. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 62.
  49. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 65.
  50. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 66.
  51. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 67.
  52. ↑ Ketchley, Neil; Wenig, Gilad (2024). "Purging to Transform the Post-Colonial State: Evidence From the 1952 Egyptian Revolution". Comparative Political Studies (in Turanci). doi:10.1177/00104140231209966. ISSN 0010-4140.
  53. ↑ 53.0 53.1 Gordon 1992, p. 167.
  54. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 73.
  55. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 68-78.
  56. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 84.
  57. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 85-91.
  58. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 55.
  59. ↑ Botman 1988, p. 119.
  60. ↑ Beinin & Lockman 1988, pp. 419–431.
  61. ↑ Gordon 1992, pp. 62–63.
  62. ↑ TIMES, Special to THE NEW YORK (1952-08-22). "EGYPT TO SENTENCE RIOTERS TOMORROW". The New York Times (in Turanci). ISSN 0362-4331. Retrieved 2023-11-13.
  63. ↑ "NEW RIOTING IN EGYPT 12 Dead, 200 Hurt in Clash; Stern Warning". Barrier Miner. 1952-08-14. Retrieved 2023-11-13.
  64. ↑ Botman 1986, pp. 355–358.
  65. ↑ Botman 1988, pp. 125–130.
  66. ↑ Ide, Derek (November 2015). "From Kafr al-Dawwar to Kharga's 'Desert Hell Camp': the repression of Communist workers in Egypt, 1952–1965". International Journal on Strikes and Social Conflicts. 1 (7): 55 – via Academia.edu.
  67. ↑ Beinin & Lockman 1988, p. 423.
  68. ↑ Botman 1988, p. 130.
  69. ↑ https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1952-54v09p2/d1002 Foreign Relations of the United States, 1952–1954, The Near and Middle East, Volume IX, Part 2, eds. Paul Claussen, Joan M. Lee, Carl N. Raether, John P. Glennon (United States Government Printing Office 1986) Egypt Document 1002
  70. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 94.
  71. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 79.
  72. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 75.
  73. ↑ Gordon 1992, p. 96.
  74. ↑ Cook, Steven A. (2012). The struggle for Egypt: from Nasser to Tahrir Square. New York: Oxford university press. pp. 80–81. ISBN 978-0-19-979526-0. Immediately following the coup, university students pledged support for the Officers. Despite this, Egypt's new leadership was unable to translate the early support of Egyptian campuses into an asset that it could leverage to its advantage against the regime's opponents. Indeed, as the Officers sought to consolidate their power and repress competing political factions, student opposition grew. While students—like virtually all Egyptians—shared the Officers' goals, many were opposed to a military dictatorship. Student activists at the time of the coup had come of age during the parliamentary period and thus believed in the virtues of civilian rule and democracy. As a result, the students at Cairo University reversed their support for the regime and established a front to oppose military rule. This is not to suggest that the regime's support on campuses dissipated completely. The Youth Bureau of the Liberation Rally, which was established in 1953, maintained a following for the new regime, but like the Rally itself, there was a distinctly contrived nature to the group. In reality, the Youth Bureau consisted of government-sanctioned thugs who sought to intimidate student Wafdists, Muslim Brothers, and leftists. In order to keep the universities in line, the RCC employed a combination of what was called the "University Guard" (policemen stationed in each university department); the Ministry of Interior's state security agents; the military police; and informants within the student body, faculty, and administrators to complement the activities of the Youth Rally. These repressive measures kept student opposition activists under constant surveillance and threat. Even so, the students proved to be tenacious. At Cairo University, for example, student opponents of the regime continued to battle for months after their adult counterparts succumbed to the Free Officers' drive to consolidate their power in March 1954. Indeed, the RCC was unable to pacify the university until well into that summer.

Bibiyar Tarihi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Mahaɗa

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Wikimedia Commons on Juyin juya halin Masar na 1952

Daga "https://ha.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Juyin_juya_halin_Masar_na_1952&oldid=632496"