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Socialism na karni na 21

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Socialism na karni na 21
political concept (en) Fassara, political ideology (en) Fassara da political slogan (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na democratic socialism (en) Fassara da revisionism (en) Fassara
Suna saboda karni na ashirin da ɗaya
Mai ganowa ko mai ƙirƙira Heinz Dieterich (mul) Fassara
Fernando Lugo (Shugaba na Paraguay), Evo Morales (Shugaban Bolivia), Lula da Silva (Shugabannin Brazil), Rafael Correa (Shuadan Ecuador) da Hugo Chávez (Shudan Venezuela) a ranar 29 ga Janairun 2009

   Socialism of the 21st century (Spanish: Socialismo del siglo XXI; Portuguese: Socialismo do siglo XXI; Jamusanci: Sozialismus des 21. Jahrhunderts) fassarar ka'idodin gurguzu ce da masanin ilimin zamantakewa da masanin siyasa na Jamus Heinz Dieterich ya fara bayarwa kuma wasu shugabannin Latin Amurka sun karɓa. Dieterich ya yi jayayya a cikin 1996 cewa duka jari-hujja na masana'antu na kasuwa kyauta da zamantakewar al'umma na karni na 20 sun kasa warware matsalolin gaggawa na bil'adama kamar talauci, yunwa, cin zarafin aiki, zalunci na tattalin arziki, jima'i, wariyar launin fata, lalata albarkatun kasa da rashin Dimokuradiyya ta gaskiya. yana da abubuwan zamantakewar dimokuradiyya, amma kuma yana kama da Marxist revisionism.

Shugabannin da suka yi kira ga wannan nau'in gurguzu sun hada da Hugo Chávez na Venezuela, Rafael Correa na Ecuador, Evo Morales na Bolivia, Néstor Kirchner da Cristina Fernández de Kirchner na Argentina, [1] Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva na Brazil da Michelle Bachelet na Chile. Saboda yanayin tarihi na musamman na gida, tsarin zamantakewa na karni na 21 sau da yawa ana bambanta shi da aikace-aikacen zamantakewa na baya a wasu ƙasashe, tare da babban bambanci shine ƙoƙari zuwa tsarin tsara tattalin arziki mafi inganci. A waje da Latin Amurka, shugabanni na hagu kamar Mark Drakeford da Jeremy Corbyn a Ingila da Lothar Bisky, Egon Krenz da Oskar Lafontaine a Jamus, da kuma jam'iyyun kamar Jam'iyyar Kwaminis ta Spain [4] da United Left a Spain [4] da Jam'iyyar Kwamitin Kwaminis na Tarayyar Rasha da Just Russia [4] [2]

Tushen tarihi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Bayan jerin rance na gyaran tsari da sake fasalin bashin da Asusun Kuɗi na Duniya ya jagoranta a ƙarshen karni na 20, Latin Amurka ta sami karuwar rashin daidaito. Tsakanin 1990 da 1999, Gini coefficient, ma'auni na rashin daidaito a cikin kudin shiga ko rarraba dukiya, ya tashi a kusan kowace ƙasa ta Latin Amurka.[3] Farashin farashi da hauhawar farashi sun haifar da rashin gamsuwa. A shekara ta 2000, kashi 37% ne kawai na Latin Amurkawa suka gamsu da mulkin demokraɗiyya (20 maki ƙasa da na Turai da maki 10 ƙasa da na Afirka ta kudu da Sahara). [4] A cikin wannan mahallin, guguwar ƙungiyoyin zamantakewar siyasa na hagu, wanda ake kira Pink tide, a madadin haƙƙin 'yan asalin ƙasar, Cocaleros, haƙƙin aiki, haƙƙin mata, haƙƙin ƙasa da sake fasalin ilimi sun fito don ƙarshe samar da ƙarfin zabar shugabannin gurguzu.

Socialism na karni na 21 ya samo asali ne daga al'adun 'yan asalin mulkin mallaka da kuma ƙungiyoyin gurguzu da kwaminisanci na Latin Amurka da suka gabata, gami da na Salvador Allende, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara da Sandinista National Liberation Front .

Ka'idoji

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A cewar Dieterich, wannan nau'in kwaminisanci ne mai juyin juya hali saboda an canza al'ummar da ke akwai don zama daban-daban, amma tsarin da kansa ya kamata ya kasance a hankali kuma ba tare da tashin hankali ba, a maimakon haka yana amfani da dimokuradiyya don samun iko, ilimi, ilimin kimiyya game da al'umma da hadin gwiwar kasa da kasa. Dieterich ya ba da shawarar gina cibiyoyi huɗu na asali a cikin sabon gaskiyar wayewar Bayan jari-hujja:

  1. Tattalin arzikin da ya dace wanda ya dogara da ka'idar ma'aikata ta Tattalin arzikin Marxian na darajar kuma wanda aka ƙaddara ta hanyar dimokuradiyya ta waɗanda ke haifar da darajar kai tsaye maimakon ka'idodin tattalin arzikin kasuwa.
  2. Mafi yawan dimokuradiyya wanda ke amfani da raba gardama don yanke shawara kan muhimman batutuwan al'umma.
  3. Dimokuradiyya ta asali tare da kariya ta haƙƙin 'yan tsiraru.
  4. 'Yan ƙasa waɗanda ke da alhakin, masu hankali da ƙuduri.

Bayan-neoliberalism

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Post-Neoliberalism, wanda aka fi sani da anti-neolibaralism, wani tsari ne na manufofi wanda aka nuna ta hanyar kin amincewa da neoliberalism da manufofin tattalin arziki da Washington Consensus ta tsara.[5][6][7] Duk da yake akwai muhawara ta masana game da ma'anar fasalulluka na post-neoliberalism, sau da yawa ana danganta shi da Ci gaban tattalin arziki a matsayin martani ga abubuwan da aka gani na neoliberalism ko gazawar, daga kasawa da sake Rarraba dukiya zuwa rungumar kariya da farfado da kungiyoyin kwadago; Hakanan yana iya komawa ga siyasar hagu gabaɗaya.[7]

Wannan motsi ya sami tasiri na musamman a Latin Amurka, inda ruwan hoda ya kawo canji mai yawa ga gwamnatocin hagu a cikin 2000s. Misalan gwamnatocin bayan-neoliberal sun hada da tsoffin gwamnatocin Evo Morales a Bolivia da Rafael Correa a Ecuador.[8] Har ila yau, wasu masu sharhi sun yi iƙirarin cewa Gwamnatin Joe Biden a Amurka ta nuna halaye na bayan-neoliberal.[9][10][11]

Tarihi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
Evo Morales, tsohon shugaban Bolivia, sau da yawa ana danganta shi da post-neoliberalism.

Tunanin post-neoliberalism ya tashi ne a lokacin ruwan hoda na shekarun 1990 da 2000, inda aka tura masu sukar neoliberalism na hagu na Latin Amurka kamar Hugo Chávez da Evo Morales zuwa mulki. A cewar masu bincike, zaben Chávez a matsayin shugaban Venezuela a 1999 ya nuna kyakkyawar farawa ga ruwan hoda da motsi na bayan-neoliberal. Bayan zabensa, an zabi Rafael Correa, Néstor Kirchner, Evo Morales, da sauran shugabannin da ke da alaƙa da ƙungiyar bayan-neoliberal a Latin Amurka a cikin 2000s da 2010s.[7] A cikin shekarun 2020, zababben shugaban kasar Chile Gabriel Boric, wanda ya yi nasara a Babban zaben Chile na 2021, ya yi alkawarin kawo karshen tsarin tattalin arzikin neoliberal na kasar, yana mai cewa: "Idan Chile ta kasance asalin neoliberalism, zai kuma zama kabarinta. "

Duk da yake ra'ayoyin post-neoliberalism ba na musamman ga Latin Amurka ba ne, galibi suna da alaƙa da yankin.[12][13] Post-neoliberalism ya jawo zargi daga dama na bangaren siyasa; masu sukar dama da na dama sun yi iƙirarin cewa kalmar kanta ba ta da ma'ana kuma tana jayayya cewa manufofin "post-neolibertal" suna cutar da saka hannun jari na duniya da Ci gaban tattalin arziki.[8]

Ra'ayi

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Post-neoliberalism yana neman canza ainihin rawar da jihar ke takawa a ƙasashe inda Washington Consensus ta taɓa rinjaye. Don cimma wannan, shugabannin bayan-neoliberal a Latin Amurka sun ba da shawara don mallakar masana'antu da yawa, musamman gas, hakar ma'adinai, da masana'antun mai.[7] Post-neoliberalism kuma yana ba da shawara don fadada fa'idodin jin daɗi jama'a, ƙarin saka hannun jari na gwamnati a rage talauci, da haɓaka shigar gwamnati cikin tattalin arziki.[14]

Aikace-aikacen Latin Amurka

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Haɗin kan Yankin

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Misali na kwaminisanci na karni na 21 yana ƙarfafa haɗin tattalin arziki da siyasa tsakanin kasashe a Latin Amurka da Caribbean. Wannan sau da yawa yana tare da adawa da tasirin Arewacin Amurka. Kungiyoyin yanki kamar ALBA da CELAC suna inganta hadin gwiwa tare da Latin Amurka kuma suna ware ƙasashen Arewacin Amurka. ALBA tana da alaƙa da zamantakewar al'umma na karni na 21 yayin da wasu kungiyoyi ke mai da hankali kan hadin kan tattalin arziki, ALBA tana inganta hadin kan zamantakewa, siyasa da tattalin arziki tsakanin ƙasashe da suka yi rajista ga zamantakewar dimokuradiyya. An sanar da kirkirarsa ne a cikin adawa kai tsaye da yunkurin George W. Bush na kafa Yankin Ciniki na Amurka wanda ya haɗa da Amurka. A shekara ta 2008, ALBA ta gabatar da ƙungiyar kuɗi ta amfani da SUCRE a matsayin kuɗin yankin.

Tsarin Bolivarian

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Samfuri:SocialismTsohon shugaban kasar Venezuela Hugo Chavez ya kaddamar da wani tsari na sauye-sauyen zamantakewa a Venezuela da aka sani da juyin juya halin Bolivarian. Wannan tsarin ya fi tasiri sosai daga ka'idodin István Mészáros, Michael Lebowitz da Marta Harnecker (wanda ita ce mashawarcin Chavez tsakanin 2004 da 2011) fiye da na Heinz Dieterich. Tsarin ya zana sunansa daga mai 'yanci na Latin Amurka Simón Bolívar kuma misali ne na Bolivarianism na zamani. [ana yanayi hujja] [citation need]

Rayuwa mai kyau

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Samfuri:Social democracySau da yawa ana fassara shi zuwa Rayuwa mai kyau ko rayuwa mai kyau, manufar rayuwa mai kyau tana da alaƙa da motsi don haƙƙin 'yan asalin ƙasar da haƙƙin yanayi. Yana mai da hankali kan rayuwa mai ɗorewa a matsayin memba na al'umma wanda ya haɗa da mutane da Yanayi.buen vivir An tsarkake buen vivir a cikin Kundin Tsarin Mulki na Ecuador na 2008 a matsayin madadin ci gaban Neoliberal. Kundin Tsarin Mulki ya tsara wasu hakkoki, daya daga cikinsu shine hakkokin yanayi. Dangane da tabbatar da waɗannan haƙƙoƙin, buen vivir yana neman canza dangantakar da ke tsakanin yanayi da mutane zuwa ra'ayi mai yawa, kawar da rabuwa tsakanin yanayi da al'umma.[15] An yi amfani da wannan hanyar ga Yasuní-ITT Initiative. Buen vivir wani lokacin ana kiransa a matsayin amfani da haɗin gwiwa a cikin tattalin arzikin rabawa kuma ana amfani da kalmar don kallon duniya ta hanyar da ta bambanta da ta halitta, zamantakewa ko ta mutum.

Rashin amincewa

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Mai mulkin mallaka

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Masu sukar suna da'awar cewa zamantakewar al'umma ta karni na 21 a Latin Amurka tana aiki ne a matsayin bangon mulkin mallaka. Kwarewar mutane kamar Hugo Chávez da ka'idoji kamar "Ƙasar, Socialism, ko Mutuwa!" sun jawo kwatanci da masu mulkin kama karya na Latin Amurka da caudillos na baya. A cewar Steven Levitsky na Jami'ar Harvard: "Kawai a karkashin mulkin kama-karya na baya [...] ne aka sake zabar shugabanni har abada", tare da Levitsky ya ci gaba da bayyana cewa yayin da Latin Amurka ta fuskanci dimokuradiyya, 'yan ƙasa sun yi adawa da "sake zabar ba tare da iyaka ba, saboda mulkin kama-kashen da ya gabata". Levitsky ya lura cewa: "A Nicaragua, Venezuela da Ecuador, sake zabar yana da alaƙa da irin matsalolin shekaru 100 da suka gabata".[16] Jaridar Washington Post ta kuma bayyana a shekarar 2014 cewa "Evo Morales na Bolivia, Daniel Ortega na Nicaragua da marigayi shugaban kasar Venezuela Hugo Chávez [...] sun yi amfani da akwatin zabe don raunana ko kawar da iyakokin wa'adin".

A cikin 2015, The Economist ya bayyana cewa Juyin Juya Halin Bolivarian a Venezuela - yanzu a ƙarƙashin Nicolás Maduro bayan hagu_Chávez" id="mwAX4" rel="mw:WikiLink" title="Death of Hugo Chávez">Mutuwar Chávez a cikin 2013 - yana sauyawa daga mulkin kama karya zuwa mulkin kama karya yayin da aka daure 'yan siyasa na adawa saboda makirci don lalata gwamnati, tashin hankali ya bazu kuma an rufe kafofin watsa labarai na adawa. Labaran kafofin watsa labarai na Yammacin Turai game da Chávez da sauran shugabannin Latin Amurka daga ƙungiyar gurguzu ta ƙarni na 21 an soki su da rashin adalci daga magoya bayansu da masu sukar kafofin watsa labarai.[17]

Tattalin Arziki

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

An yi tambaya game da dorewa da kwanciyar hankali na sauye-sauyen tattalin arziki da ke da alaƙa da gwamnatocin da ke bin tsarin zamantakewa na karni na 21. Kasashen Latin Amurka sun fara tallafawa Shirye-shiryen zamantakewa tare da fitarwa kamar man fetur, iskar gas da ma'adanai, suna haifar da dogaro da wasu masana tattalin arziki suka yi iƙirarin cewa ya haifar da hauhawar farashi kuma ya rage ci gaba. Ga gwamnatin Bolivarian ta Venezuela, manufofin tattalin arzikin su sun haifar da karancin kayayyaki a Venezuela, hauhawar farashi mai yawa da kuma tattalin arzikin da ba shi da kyau. Koyaya, Manufofin tattalin arziki na gwamnatin Hugo Chávez da gwamnatocin Maduro sun danganta matsalolin tattalin arzikin Venezuela ga raguwar farashin mai, takunkumin da Amurka ta sanya da kuma lalata tattalin arziki da 'yan adawa suka yi.

A cikin 2015, Tattalin arzikin Venezuela yana aiki mara kyau - kuɗin ya rushe, yana da mafi girman hauhawar farashi a duniya kuma babban samfurin cikin gida ya ragu zuwa Rushewar tattalin arziki a cikin 2016.

Populism

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Samfuri:Chávez presidencyKodayake masu ilimin dimokuradiyya sun yi maraba da tsarin zamantakewa na karni na 21, sun kasance masu shakku game da misalai na Latin Amurka. Yayinda suke ambaton rawar da suke takawa, suna jayayya cewa lakabin da ya dace ga waɗannan gwamnatoci na populism ne maimakon gurguzu.[18] Hakazalika, an soki wasu daga cikin gwamnatocin da ke hagu na ruwan hoda saboda juyawa daga kwaminisanci zuwa mulkin kama-karya da populism.[19][20]

Jerin jam'iyyun siyasa masu adawa da 'yanci ko' yanci

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

   Arewacin Amurka:

Asiya

  • Japan: Social Democratic Party[22]
  • South Korea: Progressive Party
  • Turkey: Communist Party of Turkey, Patriotic Party[ana buƙatar hujja], Labour and Freedom Alliance[23]

Turai

  • Faransa: Sabuwar Jam'iyyar Anticapitalist
  • Iceland: Jam'iyyar Socialist ta Iceland [24]
  • Ireland: Masu zaman kansu 4 Canji [25]
  • Italiya: Ikon Jama'aIkon Ga Jama'a
  • Norway: Red Party [26]

Oceania

  • Ostiraliya: Green na Australiya [27]

Dubi kuma

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  • Pink Tide
  • Masu adawa da jari-hujja
  • Kirchnerism
  • Tsarin zamantakewa na Shekaru
  • Bayan jari-hujja
  • Bayan Marxism
  • Shirin Cybersyn

Manazarta

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

 

"If Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism, it will also be its grave."[28]

—Gabriel Boric, 20 December 2021[29]

 

  1. ↑ Montañez, Julio Ramírez (27 June 2016). "The XXI century socialism in the context of the new Latin American left". Civilizar Ciencias Sociales y Humanas. Colombia: Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana. 17 (33): 97–112. doi:10.22518/16578953.902. This socialism of the XXI century, overflowed the Venezuelan experience and became a trend that took greater force throughout Latin America, especially in Ecuador with its President Rafael Correa, in Bolivia implemented by its president Evo Morales and in Argentina initially with Néstor Kirchner and later with his wife Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, as well as in Nicaragua, El Salvador, Uruguay. This ideological conception sought primarily to give responses to the serious problem of underdevelopment in which the region lives due to the social imbalances, injustice and inequality (Hamburger, 2014).
  2. ↑ "Politics in Translation / A Fair and Just Russia, Part 2" (in Turanci). The School of Russian and Asian Studies. 12 August 2009. Archived from the original on 24 March 2014. Retrieved 24 March 2014.
  3. ↑ ECLAC (2002). "Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean". Social Panorama of Latin America 2000-2001: 71.
  4. ↑ "Encuesta Latinobarómetro 1999-2000" [Latino Barometer Survey 1999-2000] (in Sifaniyanci). Archived from the original on 19 August 2016. Retrieved 3 May 2013.
  5. ↑ Davies, William; Gane, Nicholas (2021). "Post-Neoliberalism? An Introduction". Theory, Culture & Society. 38 (6): 3–28. doi:10.1177/02632764211036722.
  6. ↑ Öniş, Ziya; Şenses, Fikret (November 2003). "Rethinking the Emerging Post-Washington Consensus: A Critical Appraisal" (PDF). Economic Research Center. ERC Working Papers in Economics. Ankara: Middle Eastern Technical University. 3 (9). Archived from the original (PDF) on 23 November 2018. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  7. ↑ 7.0 7.1 7.2 7.3 Macdonald, Laura; Proulx, Kristina R.; Ruckert, Arne (2017). "Post-Neoliberalism in Latin America: A Conceptual Review". Third World Quarterly. 38 (7): 1583–1602. doi:10.1080/01436597.2016.1259558. S2CID 157767263.
  8. ↑ 8.0 8.1 Merino, Roger (4 October 2011). "What is 'Post' in Post-Neoliberal Economic Policy? Extractive Industry Dependence and Indigenous Land Rights in Bolivia and Ecuador". University of Bath - Department of Social & Policy Sciences. Rochester, New York. SSRN 1938677.
  9. ↑ Levitz, Eric (May 3, 2023). "The Biden Administration Just Declared the Death of Neoliberalism". Intelligencer. Vox Media Network. Retrieved September 30, 2023.
  10. ↑ Ward, Ian (September 9, 2022). "The Unexpected Ways Joe Biden Is Ushering In a New Economic Paradigm". Politico. Axel Springer SE. Retrieved September 30, 2023.
  11. ↑ Bachtell, John (August 10, 2023). "Is 'Bidenomics' a break from neoliberalism?". People's World. Long View Publishing Co., Inc. Retrieved September 30, 2023.
  12. ↑ Grugel, Jean; Riggirozzi, Pia (2012). "Post-neoliberalism in Latin America: Rebuilding and Reclaiming the State after Crisis" (PDF). Development and Change. Blackwell Publishing/International Institute of Social Studies. 43 (1): 1–21. doi:10.1111/j.1467-7660.2011.01746.x. Retrieved 14 June 2022 – via ePrints Soton at the University of Southampton.
  13. ↑ Macdonald, Laura; Proulx, Kristina R.; Ruckert, Arne (2017). "Post-Neoliberalism in Latin America: A Conceptual Review". Third World Quarterly. Routledge. 38 (7): 1583–1602. doi:10.1080/01436597.2016.1259558. S2CID 157767263. The main objective of this article is to perform a critical conceptual review of post-neoliberalism to find consensus and discord in the existing literature. ... Although our search was not limited to literature on any specific region, the overwhelming amount of research we encountered was focused on Latin America, with little material identified through the search on post-neoliberalism in Africa or Asia.
  14. ↑ Kaltwasser, Cristóbal Rovira (2011). "Toward Post-Neoliberalism in Latin America?". Latin American Research Review. Latin America Research Commons on behalf of Latin American Studies Association. 46 (2): 225–234. doi:10.1353/lar.2011.0029. ISSN 1542-4278. S2CID 144279718.
  15. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Gudynas
  16. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named CSMecuador
  17. ↑ Hart, Peter (8 March 2013). "NYT Debates Hugo Chavez- Minus the Debate". Fairness and Accuracy in Reporting (FAIR). Retrieved 4 May 2013.
  18. ↑ Empty citation (help)
  19. ↑ Lopes, Arthur (Spring 2016). "¿Viva la Contrarrevolución? South America's Left Begins to Wave Goodbye". Harvard International Review. 37 (3): 12–14. JSTOR i26445824-. South America, a historical bastion of populism, has always had a penchant for the left, but the continent's predilection for unsustainable welfarism might be approaching a dramatic end. [...] This "pink tide" also included the rise of populist ideologies in some of these countries, such as Kirchnerismo in Argentina, Chavismo in Venezuela, and Lulopetismo in Brazil.
  20. ↑ De Faria, Carlos Aurélio Pimenta; Lopes, Dawisson Belém (January–April 2016). "When Foreign Policy Meets Social Demands in Latin America". Contexto Internacional (Literature review). Pontifícia Universidade Católica do Rio de Janeiro. 38 (1): 11–53. doi:10.1590/S0102-8529.2016380100001. ISSN 1982-0240. The wrong left, by contrast, was said to be populist, old-fashioned, and irresponsible [...].
  21. ↑ "Declaración de principios de MORENA" (PDF) (in Sifaniyanci). Morena. December 2014. Archived from the original (PDF) on 14 March 2015. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  22. ↑ "Zhèngcè" 政策 [Policy]. Social Democratic Party. 22 January 2008. Archived from the original on 14 May 2021. Retrieved 14 June 2022.
  23. ↑ Duvar, Gazete (2022-09-24). "Emek ve Özgürlük İttifakı deklarasyonu açıklandı". www.gazeteduvar.com.tr/emek-ve-ozgurluk-ittifaki-deklarasyonu-aciklandi-haber-1582368 (in Harshen Turkiyya). Retrieved 2022-09-25.
  24. ↑ "Vindum ofan af nýfrjálshyggjunni". Sósíalistaflokkurinn (in Yaren mutanen Iceland). Archived from the original on 2022-04-08. Retrieved 2025-07-14.
  25. ↑ "Independents 4 Change | left". 2021-10-24. Archived from the original on 24 October 2021. Retrieved 2024-11-21.
  26. ↑ "Prinsipprogram for Rødt – Bokmål, pg 17" (PDF) (in Norwegian Bokmål). 2019. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2024-08-20. Retrieved 2024-08-20. [From charter on Socialism for the 21st century, pg 17: The revolutionary forces that are trying today to develop a strategy for socialism for the 21st century are learning from the mistakes that have been made in the past. Rødt sees himself as part of this movement, but insists that a Norwegian socialism cannot be a copy of someone else's. It must build on the traditions from our own history of class struggle and political struggle, which among other things led to the idea of cooperation, cooperation and the demands for a well-developed welfare state. It must further develop the democratic rights that the working class has fought for over a hundred years, which freedom of association, right to vote, freedom of expression and legal certainty. Internationally, an eco-socialist movement is also developing which points to the abolition of capitalism as a decisive prerequisite for preserving the basis of life and avoiding climate catastrophe. Rødt also sees itself as part of this movement, and will cooperate with anti-capitalist parties and organizations in other countries within this network.]
  27. ↑ "Australian Greens Are Building a Movement to End Neoliberalism". jacobin.com (in Turanci). Retrieved 2023-05-13.
  28. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Cambero 2021
  29. ↑ "Gabriel Boric: From student protest leader to Chile's president". BBC. 20 December 2021. Retrieved 14 June 2022. When Mr Boric won the candidacy of his leftist bloc to run for president, he made a bold pledge. 'If Chile was the cradle of neoliberalism, it will also be its grave,' he said. 'Do not be afraid of the youth changing this country.'
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