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Tsarin zamantakewar Afirka

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Tsarin zamantakewar Afirka
political ideology (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na socialism (en) Fassara
Fuskar Pan-Africanism

Gurguzun gurguzu na Afirka wani bambamci ne na ka'idar gurguzu da aka samu a Afirka bayan mulkin mallaka a tsakiyar karni na 20. A matsayin aikin akida guda daya a tsakanin masu tunani na Afirka a cikin shekaru da dama, ya kunshi fassarori iri-iri masu gasa. Koyaya, jigo mai daidaituwa da ma'ana tsakanin waɗannan ra'ayoyin shine ra'ayin cewa al'adun gargajiya na Afirka da tsarin al'umma suna da ra'ayi na dabi'a ga ƙa'idodin gurguzanci.

Wannan siffa ta gurguzu a matsayin al'adar 'yan asalin Afirka ta keɓe gurguzuwar Afirka a matsayin wani yunkuri na musamman na akida, wanda ya bambanta da sauran ƙungiyoyin gurguzu a nahiyar ko sauran wurare a duniya. Shahararrun masu ba da gudummawa a wannan fanni sun haɗa da Julius Nyerere na Tanzaniya, Kwame Nkrumah na Ghana, da Léopold Sédar Senghor na Senegal.

Asalin da jigogi

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Yayin da yawancin kasashen Afirka suka sami 'yancin kai a shekarun 1960, wasu daga cikin sabbin gwamnatocin da aka kafa sun yi watsi da ra'ayoyin jari-hujja don neman tsarin tattalin arzikin da bai dace ba . Shugabannin wannan lokacin sun yi iƙirarin cewa suna aiwatar da " gurgujewar Afirka ".

Julius Nyerere na Tanzaniya, Modibo Keita na Mali, Léopold Senghor na Senegal, Joseph Saidu Momoh da Siaka Stevens a Saliyo, Kwame Nkrumah da Hilla Limann na Ghana, François Tombalbaye a Chadi, Modibo Keïta a Mali, Sékou Touré na Guinea, da kuma Gine-Bissa babban gine-ginen zamantakewa bisa ga Luís . William H. Friedland da Carl G. Rosberg Jr., editocin littafin Social Socialism . [1]

Ka'idojin gama gari na nau'o'i daban-daban na zamantakewar zamantakewar Afirka sune ci gaban zamantakewar al'umma wanda babban ɓangaren jama'a ke jagoranta, girmamawa kan asalin Afirka da abin da ake nufi da zama ɗan Afirka, da kiyayewa ko farfaɗo da al'umma maras aji. [1] Senghor ya yi iƙirarin cewa, "Tsarin zamantakewar Afirka game da rayuwar al'ummar kabilanci ba wai kawai ya sa tsarin gurguzu ya zama na Afirka ba amma ya keɓance ingancin ka'idar gwagwarmayar aji," don haka ya sanya gurguzu na Afirka, a cikin dukkanin bambancinsa, ya bambanta da Marxism da ka'idar gurguzu ta Turai. [2]

Gurguzuncin Afirka ya zama muhimmin abin koyi na ci gaban tattalin arziki ga ƙasashe kamar Ghana, Guinea, Senegal da Tanzaniya . Yayin da waɗannan ƙasashe suka yi amfani da nau'o'i daban-daban na gurguzu na Afirka, abubuwa da yawa sun bayyana, irin su sha'awar siyasa da tattalin arziki, dogaro da kai, Afirka na kasuwanci da aikin gwamnati, Pan-Africanism da rashin daidaituwa. [2]

Buga na farko mai tasiri na tunanin gurguzu wanda aka keɓance don aikace-aikace a Afirka ya faru ne a cikin 1956 tare da sakin ƙwararren ɗan Senegal Abdoulaye Ly 's Les masses africaines et l'actuelle yanayin humaine . [3]

Tarihi da Bambance-bambance

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Julius Nyerere and Ujamaa

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Julius Nyerere

A cikin 1967, Shugaba Julius Nyerere na sabuwar-haɗin kai Tanzaniya ya ba da sanarwar Arusha, ya ƙaddamar da Tanzaniya ga shirin gyara gurguzu. A tsakiyar wadannan gyare-gyaren shi ne Ujamaa . Ujamaa, ma'ana "iyali" a cikin Swahili, shine tsarin Julius Nyerere na zamantakewar Afirka, wanda aka yi niyya don haɗa dabi'un zamantakewa na gargajiya tare da ra'ayoyin zamani na ci gaban tattalin arziki da zamantakewa.

Ko da yake ra'ayoyinsa suna da kamanceceniya da sauran nau'ikan gurguzanci a Turai da Asiya, Nyerere ya bayyana karara ta hanyar rubuce-rubucensa cewa ya ga Ujamaa ya bambanta da babban al'adar Markisanci. Maimakon mayar da hankali kan gwagwarmayar aji, Nyerere ya yi tunanin burin zamantakewa a Tanzaniya (da Afirka gabaɗaya) ya zama maido da rukunin iyali kafin mulkin mallaka. A matsayin mambobi mafi girma na hanyar sadarwa na iyali, ana sa ran daidaikun mutane su goyi bayan juna da raba aiki, darussan da Nyerere ya yi imanin sun kafa tushen ilimin gurguzu. Ba a nufin Ujamaa don maye gurbin tsarin jari-hujja da ya gaza ba, kamar yadda ake ganin gurguzu a ka'idar Marxist, amma don rushe tsarin ikon wucin gadi da mulkin mallaka ya kafa da kuma komawa ga tsarin gurguzu na dabi'a.

Ingantacciyar al'umma, a cewar Nyerere, za a gina ta ne bisa ka'idodin "'yanci, daidaito, da haɗin kai"; tare, wadannan ka'idoji za su samar da tattalin arziki bisa samar da hadin kai, samar da zaman lafiya a tsakanin al'umma, da karfafa shiga harkokin siyasa na demokradiyya. Daga 1968-1975, gwamnatin Nyerere ta taimaka wajen haɗa yankunan karkarar Tanzaniya zuwa al'ummomin noma irin na ƙauye inda za a raba albarkatu tare. Nyerere, yana mai taka-tsan-tsan da tasirin cibiyoyin tattalin arzikin kasa da kasa da kasashen Yamma ke sarrafa, ya yi iƙirarin cewa samun 'yanci na gaske daga mulkin mallaka yana buƙatar Tanzaniya ta zama mai dogaro da kanta ta fuskar tattalin arziki. Wadannan kauyukan noma za su zama tushen ci gaban wannan ci gaba, gina tattalin arzikin Tanzaniya tare da kubutar da al'adunta daga kimar jari hujja da tsarin ikon da aka sanya a karkashin mulkin mallaka. An yaba da haɗin kai na ka'idar da Ujamaa ya ƙirƙira tsakanin bunƙasa tattalin arziƙi da ƴancin al'umma saboda kasancewarsa gaba da lokacinsa, yana hasashen tsarin da ba zai zama na yau da kullun ba a cikin ilimin zamantakewar Yammacin Turai har zuwa ƙarshen karni na 20.

Ijma’in duniya baki daya kan tsarin mulkin Ujama’a shi ne cewa ta gaza cimma manufofinta. Yawancin al'ummomin da aka kirkira karkashin shirin Ujamaa ba su iya dogaro da kansu kamar yadda Nyerere ya yi tunani. Ƙaddamar da lokacin da aka aiwatar da gyare-gyare a kai da kuma rashin aiki na tsarin mulki ya haifar da sakamako mara kyau na tattalin arziki. Ko da yake makasudin ƙauyen Ujamaa shi ne ƙirƙirar cibiyoyin samar da tattalin arziki, yawancin noman Tanzaniya har yanzu ana yin su a kan ƙananan gonaki masu zaman kansu waɗanda ba su shiga cikin tsarin jiha ba. Tara filayen noma tilas wanda a da ya kasance mallakar dangi ya kasance wani abu mai zafi ga manoma da yawa, waɗanda suka yi la'akari da sauye-sauyen al'adu da salon rayuwa da ake sa ran za su rungumi; A halin da ake ciki kuma, a cikin birane, mayar da hankali kan noma a jihar ya hana ta magance rarrabuwar kawuna na zamantakewa a cikin birane. [4]

Gwamnatin Nyerere ta kuma samu suka kan yadda aka aiwatar da Ujamaa. A farkon shirin, Ujamaa ya kasance na son rai, ƙoƙari na raba gari, yana barin ƙayyadaddun yancin kai ga kowane ƙauyuka. Bayan lokaci, duk da haka, jihar ta ɗauki wani mataki na kula da sarrafa ƙauye da samar da kayan aikin da wasu masana tarihi suka lakafta na tilastawa da mulkin kama karya, suna masu iƙirarin hakan ya ci karo da dabi'un dimokraɗiyya da Ujamaa ke ɗauka.

Rashin cika alkawuran ci gaba da daidaito da Ujamaa ta yi ya haifar da koma baya a karshen shekarun 1970-80. A cikin 1981, gwamnatin Tanzaniya ta himmatu ga "Shirin Rayuwar Tattalin Arzikin Kasa", tsarin sauye-sauyen manufofin da aka tsara don 'yantar da tattalin arzikin. Nyerere ya sauka daga shugabancin kasa a shekara ta 1985, amma ya ci gaba da bayar da shawarwari ga tsarin gurguzu har zuwa rasuwarsa. A karshen mulkinsa na siyasa kashi 96% na yara sun yi makarantar firamare, kashi 50% nasu mata ne. Tsawon rayuwar mata ya karu daga shekaru 41 zuwa 50.7 tsakanin 1960 zuwa 1980 kuma yawan mace-macen mata ya ragu daga 450 a cikin 100,000 na haihuwa zuwa kasa da 200 ta 1973. [5] Bayan mutuwa, Nyerere da Ujamaa sun ga farfaɗo da shahara a Tanzaniya.

Ubuntu

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Tsohuwar falsafar Ubuntu ta Afirka ta Kudu tana gane mutuntakar mutum ta hanyar alaƙar juna. Kalmar ta fito daga harsunan Zulu da Xhosa . [6] Ubuntu ya yi imani da haɗin gwiwar da ke haɗa dukkan bil'adama da gaskiyar cewa ɗan adam yana da daraja mai girma. A cewar Archbishop Desmond Tutu, Mutumin da ke da ubuntu yana buɗewa kuma yana iya samun dama ga wasu, yana tabbatar da wasu, ba ya jin cewa wasu suna iyawa kuma suna da girma, domin yana da tabbaci na gaskiya wanda ya samo asali daga fahimtar cewa yana da wani wuri a cikin abin da ya fi dacewa kuma yana raguwa lokacin da aka lalata wasu ko ragewa, lokacin da aka azabtar da wasu. [6]

Harambee

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Harambee kalma ce da ta samo asali daga ’yan asali, musamman masu dakon Swahili na Gabashin Afirka ; kalmar harambee a al'adance tana nufin "mu ja tare". [7] An yi amfani da shi a matsayin wata dama ga 'yan Kenya na gida don ci gaban al'ummominsu ba tare da jiran gwamnati ba. [8] Hakan ya taimaka wajen samar da fahimtar juna a tsakanin al’ummar Kenya amma manazarta sun ce ya haifar da rarrabuwar kawuna saboda wasu mutane na amfani da wannan a matsayin wata dama ta samun arziki. [9]

Kwame Nkrumah and Nkrumahism

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Nkrumahism shine falsafar siyasar shugaban Ghana na farko bayan samun 'yancin kai Kwame Nkrumah . A matsayinsa na daya daga cikin jagororin siyasar Afirka na farko, Nkrumah ya zama babban jigo a bangaren hagu na kasashen Afirka . A cikin jawabin sa ga al'ummomin mulkin mallaka, Nkrumah ya yi kira ga 'yan Afirka da su "... tabbatar da 'yancin dukan mutanen mulkin mallaka na su mallaki makomarsu." da kuma cewa "Dukkanin mulkin mallaka dole ne su kasance masu 'yanci daga ikon mulkin mallaka na kasashen waje, na siyasa ko tattalin arziki." Mai da hankali kan 'yancin tattalin arziki da siyasa zai tabbatar da zama wani muhimmin bangare na falsafar siyasarsa ta gaba daya, tare da hada yunkurin 'yancin kai na kasa a kasarsa ta Ghana tare da tunanin tattalin arziki na hagu.

Wani jigo a fafutukar ‘yancin kai na Ghana, Nkrumah ya hau karagar mulki jim kadan bayan Ghana ta samu ‘yancin kai a shekarar 1957. Da ya hau kan karagar mulki, ya fara wasu tsare-tsare na samar da ababen more rayuwa da bunkasar tattalin arziki da aka tsara don karfafa tattalin arzikin Ghana. An ware dala miliyan 16 da za a yi amfani da shi wajen gina sabon gari a Tema da za a yi amfani da shi a matsayin budaddiyar tashar ruwa ga Accra da yankin gabashin kasar. [10] Gwamnati ta tsara wani sabon shiri na magance matsalolin jahilci da rashin samun ilimi, inda aka gina dubban sabbin makarantu a yankunan karkara.

Kwame Nkrumah, Shugaban Ghana na farko

Nkrumah ya kuduri aniyar bunkasa masana'antu a kasar cikin sauri, ya tashi tsaye wajen sabunta tattalin arzikin Ghana domin ya yi gogayya da kasashen yammacin duniya. A halin da ake ciki, gwamnatinsa ta fara aiwatar da dabarun kara yawan kamfanonin da gwamnati ke kula da su a hankali a kasar tare da sanya takunkumi kan kamfanoni masu zaman kansu da ke aiki a Ghana. A shekara ta 1965, kashi 50% na kamfanonin inshora a cikin kasar, kashi 60% na duk kudaden ajiyar banki an ajiye su a bankunan gwamnati, kashi 17% na kayan da ke kan tekun kasar ana sarrafa su ta hanyar kamfanonin gwamnati. gwamnati.

Nkrumah ya kuma matsa kaimi ga Ghana ta zama mai fafutuka na kasa da kasa don yada tsarin gurguzu da kishin Afirka a cikin sabbin kasashen Afirka da suka samu 'yancin kai. A matsayin kasar Afrika ta farko da ta samu 'yancin kai, Ghana ta zama abin zaburarwa ga da yawa daga cikin masu fafutukar neman 'yancin kai na hagu a duk fadin nahiyar. A cikin 1958, Nkrumah ya taimaka wajen kafa Ƙungiyar Ƙasashen Afirka masu zaman kanta, ƙungiyar siyasa tsakanin Ghana, Mali, da Guinea . Ko da yake ƙungiyar ba ta daɗe ba, ƙungiyar siyasa da aka tsara ta nuna yunƙurin haɗin kan yanki na farko a tsakanin sabbin jamhuriyar Afirka da aka kafa.

Nkrumah ya kuma taka rawar gani wajen tura Ghana zuwa ga manyan 'yan gurguzu, ciki har da USSR da PRC . A 1961, ya fara ziyarar aikin hukuma a Moscow, yana samun digiri na girmamawa daga Jami'ar Moscow . A wani jawabi da ya yi a birnin Accra a gaban wata tawagar Tarayyar Soviet da ta kawo ziyara a shekarar 1963, Nkrumah ya ce, "Mu a Ghana mun zabi tafarkin gurguzu a hukumance, kuma za mu gina al'ummar gurguzu... Ta haka kasashenmu, Tarayyar Soviet da Ghana za su ci gaba tare."

Nkrumah ya kuma yi amfani da kungiyar Gabas wajen fadada tattalin arzikin Ghana ta hanyar kafa kamfanoni mallakar gwamnati. A shekarar 1962, wata jaridar kasar Ghana ta bayar da rahoton cewa, daga cikin yarjejeniyoyin kasashen waje sittin da uku da aka kulla a shekarar 1961, 44 daga cikin yarjejeniyoyin sun kasance tare da kasashen Gabashin Turai wadanda suka mai da hankali kan harkokin ciniki, biyan kudi da hadin gwiwar kimiyya, fasaha, da al'adu. Akwai kuma yarjejeniyoyin guda biyar da China da wasu biyar da Yugoslavia . [2]

Léopold Sédar Senghor da Jam'iyyar Socialist ta Senegal

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Léopold Senghor shine wanda ya kafa Jam'iyyar Socialist ta Senegal kuma shugaban ƙasar na farko. Ya kasance babban mutum ba kawai a ci gaban siyasar ƙasar ba, har ma Senghor ya kasance ɗaya daga cikin manyan jigogin ƙungiyar Négritude, wanda ya ba da ra'ayin siyasar sa. Senghor zai zo ya zama sabon salo na gurguzu na Afirka wanda ya ƙi yawancin tsarin tunanin Marxist na gargajiya wanda ya samo asali a Afirka bayan samun 'yancin kai.

An haife shi a cikin iyali mai matsakaicin matsayi, Senghor ya sami damar amfani da tsarin ilimin Faransanci wanda aka ba yawancin masu ilimin Afirka na mulkin mallaka. Koyaya, waɗannan makarantun ba su yi kaɗan ba wajen koyar da ɗaliban Afirka game da al'adun su na asali, a maimakon haka sun fi son manufofin haɗin kai cikin rayuwar Faransanci. Kamar yadda Senghor ya taɓa faɗa, Faransawa suna so "gurasa ga kowa, al'ada ga kowa, 'yanci ga kowa; amma wannan 'yanci, wannan al'ada, da wannan gurasa za su kasance Faransanci."[11] Yana da kyau a karatunsa na farko, Senghor ya yi rajista a Jami'ar Paris.

Bayan kammala karatunsa da kuma hidima a Sojan Faransa a lokacin Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, Senghor ya fara aiki a matsayin mawaki a Paris, inda ya fitar da littafinsa na farko, Chants d'ombre (Waƙoƙin Inuwa) a 1945 da Anthologie de la nouvelle poésie nègre et malagache de langue française (Tarin Waƙoƙin Baƙaƙen Baƙi da Malagasy) a 1948. Duk waɗannan ayyukan sun kasance masu mahimmanci wajen haɓaka babban ɓangaren ƙungiyar Négritude da ke fitowa, wanda Senghor ya yi fatan zai wakilci "jimlar dukkan ƙimar wayewar duniya ta Afirka.".[11]

File:1979. Julio. Roma. Cumbre FAO. Rafael Caldera recibiendo al Presidente de Senegal, Leopold Senghor.jpg|thumb|Shugaba Senghor yana taron shugaba Rafael Caldera na Venezuela

Ayyukansa sun nuna babban rashin daidaito a cikin al'ummar mulkin mallaka na Faransa kuma sun dubi ƙwarewar musamman na dubban Afirka da ke zaune a ƙarƙashin mulkin Faransa. A cikin littafinsa Ƙalubalen Al'ada a Yammacin Afirka na Faransa, Senghor ya kira Afirka da su "haɓaka al'ada bisa ga ƙarfin al'adun gida waɗanda kuma ke buɗe ga zamani na Turai."[12]

Senghor da farko ba mai goyon bayan samun 'yancin kai na Senegal ba ne, yana damuwa cewa ƙaramar ƙasar Afirka za ta sami ɗan dama a matsayin ƙasa mai cin gashin kanta. Maimakon haka, ya ba da shawarar dangantaka mai alaƙa da juna kama da ta Paris da lardunan Faransa. A cikin littafinsa, Vues sure l'Afrique noir, ou s'assimiler non être assimilés (Ra'ayoyi game da Baƙar Afirka, ko Haɗawa, Ba Haɗawa ba), Senghor ya ba da shawarar wakilan Senegal da za a zaɓa ta hanyar jama'a da kuma zartarwa a Paris, kuɗaɗen tattalin arziƙi na Faransa don taimakawa ci gaban Senegal, da kuma haɗa ilimin al'adu da harshe na Afirka a cikin tsarin ilimin Faransa.[13]

A shekarar 1958, an gudanar da zaɓe a duk yankunan Faransa na Afirka game da makomar mallakar mulkin mallaka. Muhawara ta kasance tsakanin cikakken 'yancin kai da shiga cikin Al'ummar Faransa, wani nau'i na haɗin gwiwar tsoffin yankunan Faransa wanda zai ba da damar ƙasashe kamar Senegal su zama masu cin gashin kai, amma har yanzu suna ci gaba da dangantaka ta tattalin arziki da diflomasiyya da gwamnatin Faransa. Senghor ya goyi bayan gefen "e" na jefa ƙuri'a kuma Senegal ta jefa ƙuri'a 97% don goyon bayan haɗin gwiwar.[14]

Lokacin da Senegal ta zama ƙasa mai cikakken 'yanci a 1960, an zaɓi Senghor a matsayin shugaban ƙasa. Bayan juyin mulkin da firaministan sa ya jagoranta a 1962, gwamnatin Senghor ta yanke shawarar soke mukamin, wanda kashi 99% suka amince da shi a zaɓen raba gardama na 1963. [15] Jefa ƙuri'ar ya ƙarfafa ikon Shugaban ƙasa sosai, wanda ba zai ƙara fafatawa da Firayim Minista don ikon zartarwa ba.

Jam'iyyar Socialist ta ƙarfafa ikonta a siyasar Senegal a 1966 lokacin da aka ayyana ta a matsayin jam'iyyar doka kawai a ƙasar, tare da Senghor a matsayin shugabanta.[16] Tsarin jam'iyya ɗaya zai ci gaba har sai Senghor ya yanke shawarar sassauta dokokin zaɓe na ƙasar ta hanyar ba da damar tsarin jam'iyyu 3, tare da jam'iyyar socialist ɗaya, jam'iyyar liberal ɗaya, da jam'iyyar communist ɗaya da za a ba su damar shiga zaɓe.

A matsayinsa na shugaban ƙasa, Senghor ya wakilci wani tsaka-tsaki na gurguzu na Afirka wanda bai dace da ƙarin fassarori masu tsattsauran ra'ayi da aka gani a wasu sabbin jihohin Afirka masu cin gashin kai ba. Ba kamar sauran tsoffin yankunan mulkin mallaka ba, Senegal ta ci gaba da kasancewa kusa da gwamnatin Faransa. Sun riƙe Faransanci Franc a matsayin kudin ƙasa kuma an san Senghor yana neman shawarar gwamnatin Faransa kafin yanke kowane babban yanke shawara na manufofin ƙasashen waje. Ya ba da izinin masu ba da shawara da kamfanoni na Faransa su ci gaba da zama a Senegal, gami da a cikin gwamnati da mukaman ilimi. Lokacin da aka tambaye shi game da ƙasashen kamfanoni na Faransa, Senghor ya amsa cewa zai zama "kashe agwagwa mai ƙwai na zinariya."[13] Gwamnatinsa ta saka hannun jari sosai a fannin ilimi da na jama'a, tana saka hannun jari biliyan 12-15 na franc da biliyan 6 zuwa 9 na franc a waɗannan fannoni bi da bi.[17] Ya kuma nemi ba da ƙarin iko ga yankunan Senegal da ba su ci gaba ba, wanda ya yi ta hanyar kafa kariya farashi a kan amfanin goro da kuma ba da damar wakilcin karkara yayin yanke shawara kan manufofin noma.[17]

Mata da gurguzu na Afirka

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Gurguzu na Afirka ya nuna sakamako daban-daban ga mata masu shiga. Duk da cewa an sami ci gaba daga lokutan kafin ci gaba a ingancin rayuwar mata a ƙarƙashin gurguzu na Afirka, cikas da alamun rabe-raben jinsi na baya har yanzu suna nan.[18][19][20]

A Ghana, sabon 'yancin kai bai haifar da sake fasalin tsoffin rawar jinsi ba. Gidaje su ne ginshiƙan samar da noma kuma kusan maza ne ke jagorantar su kawai.[20] Kayan da aka tara an sarrafa su ne ta hanyar shugabannin gidaje, tare da zaton cewa mata masu biyayya ba sa buƙatar yin aiki mai yawa.[20]

Koyaya, rikicin tattalin arziki a cikin shekarun 1980 ya ga matan gidajen noma sun ɗauki sabbin dabaru don farfaɗo da jin daɗin rayuwar gida, kamar maye gurbin kayayyakin da aka shigo da su da kayayyakin gida da kuma aikin maza masu hijira da nasu. Yawan kasancewar waɗannan matan a cikin ƙungiyar masu aikin gurguzu ya ɗaga matsayinsu a cikin al'umma kuma ya ba su damar shiga cikin samar da kayayyakin karkara.[21] Ƙungiyoyin mata masu aiki sun fara samun nasu filaye daga shugabannin al'umma, kuma gudummawarsu ta zama sananne a ƙarƙashin tushen karkara na gurguzu na Ghana.[21] Duk da haka, matan da ba a ba su fili ba sau da yawa dole ne su roƙa ko su nemi izini daga masu filaye maza kamar miji ko uba. Ba tare da samun damar shiga wannan fili ba, matan gida da 'ya'ya mata ba za su iya tattara 'ya'yan itacen daji ko gyada ba, waɗanda dukansu suna da mahimmanci ga jin daɗin kuɗi.[20]

Bayan gabatar da Ujamaa ga rayuwar Tanzaniya a ƙarshen shekarun 1960, tsauraran rawar jinsi sun zama ruwan dare kuma an yi bikin su a matsayin ginshiƙi na iyali mai ɗigo ɗaya.[18] Duk da ƙoƙarin manufofin ci gaba don tsarkake gwamnatin Tanzaniya daga tasirin Turai, ƙarfafawa ga iyali mai ɗigo ɗaya da kuma sanya mata ga rawar da suka taka na mai gida ya nuna aikin masu mulkin mallaka na Kirista kafin su.[18]

Wannan mai yiwuwa ne saboda sabon 'yancin kai ya ga mai da hankali kan siyasa kan daidaito a farkon matakan ci gaban gwamnatin Tanzaniya.[18] Maza masu aiki a birane waɗanda basu da tabbas game da sabuwar gwamnati an gan su a matsayin babban barazana ga daidaiton ƙasa, kuma an ba su ingantattun albashi da samun damar shiga gidaje wanda ya ƙarfafa matsayinsu na shugabannin gidaje, kuma ya tura mata zuwa matsayin masu yin aikin haifuwa.[18] Yawancin burin da ke kewaye da ƙungiyoyin kare haƙƙin mata na Tanzaniya sun sami nasara, ciki har da ci gaba a fannin ilimi, aiki, da damar siyasa.[22] Duk da haka, jinkirin amma tabbataccen gurɓatar ƙungiyoyin kare haƙƙin mata a Tanzaniya ya ga mata sun koma cikin gidaje, kuma an kori shugabannin gwamnati mata saboda laifuka marasa muhimmanci.[22] Har yanzu, mata da yawa a Tanzaniya suna tuna da ƙauyancewa a Tanzaniya da kyau, saboda sau da yawa yana ba da damar zama kusa da dangi, da kuma yin aure mai ɗorewa.[19] Bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, tattalin arzikin kafin ci gaba ya haifar da yaduwar auren monogamy, ko auren da ba a tabbatar da shi ba, na ɗan lokaci da sake aure wanda aka gani a matsayin dabarun rayuwa fiye da kasuwancin soyayya ko haifuwa. Bayan warware rashin jin daɗin ƙauyancewa, mata da yawa sun sami amfani a matsayinsu. Ga yawancin Tanzaniyawa, babban lahani ga haƙƙin mata ya zo tare da daidaita tsarin manufofin tattalin arziki na Ujamaa a cikin shekarun 1980.[22]

Kusan a duk jihohin gurguzu a Afirka, shigar mata cikin siyasa bai fuskanci ci gaba sosai ba. A Senegal, manufofin kamar "Code de la Famille" sun yi alkawarin ingantaccen kariya ta doka ga mata, amma sun wakilci saitin dokoki waɗanda mata suka fi zama masu bin su fiye da masu yin su. A lokuta da yawa, an gabatar da irin waɗannan gyare-gyare ne kawai saboda lallashin matan 'yan siyasa masu matsayi.[23] An gabatar da wakilci na alama ta hanyar "femmes phares" masu ilimi, ko mata masu haske, tare da tsarin jam'iyya ɗaya, da kuma saitin ƙayyadaddun bayanai don shigar mata cikin siyasa a cikin shekarun 1980. Duk da haka, dukansu biyun sun fi sakamakon gasar siyasa ta maza fiye da ci gaban ƙungiyoyin kare haƙƙin mata. Ko da matan da aka ba ofishin gwamnati ba su da tasiri sosai idan aka kwatanta da abokan aikin maza masu irin wannan matsayi.[23] Waɗannan ci gaban sun nuna yanayin da matan Gabashin Turai suka fuskanta waɗanda suka sami matsayi a cikin sassan alama na jihohin 'yar tsana na kwaminisanci. Ainihin ikon siyasa ya zama kamar yana fitowa daga "cikin da'irar" irin waɗannan jihohi.[23] Ikon da aka gani ga jama'a a ƙasashen Afirka yawanci shugabannin jihohi ne ke riƙe shi waɗanda ke iya mamaye da kuma riƙe matsayinsu a cikin siyasa ta hannu ɗaya.[23]

Taron Afirka don 'yancin kai na ƙasa da gurguzu sun ga babban shiga daga ƙungiyoyin mata masu fafutuka, amma kaɗan ne aka ba da hankali ga batutuwan mata masu fafutuka.[24] Duk da haka, an sami ci gaba tare da haɗin kai na ƙungiyoyin mata masu fafutuka na gabas, amma tattaunawa da takwarorinsu na yamma. Tare da gurguzu da adawa da mulkin mallaka a kan gaba a batutuwan mata masu fafutuka na Afirka, tambayar yadda shugabannin maza za su sa ci gaban tattalin arziki ya amfana da dukkan membobin gida yana da mahimmanci, amma ba a ɗauke shi da muhimmanci a cikin tarurruka ba.[24] A maimakon haka, an tilasta wa ƙungiyoyin mata masu fafutuka su kawo canjin duniya da kansu, sau da yawa farawa da ma'auni biyu da munafunci da za a iya samu a cikin dangantakarsu da sauran ƙungiyoyin mata masu fafutuka. Duk da yake an soki mata masu fafutuka a Masar saboda ayyukan rashin dimokiraɗiyya a cikin gwamnatinsu mai tasowa, ƙasashe kamar Birtaniya sun bayyana sun tsere daga bincike game da halayensu na mulkin mallaka da kuma rashin dacewa da yankunansu.[24]

Dangantaka da Tarayyar Soviet

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A farkon shekarun 1960, a daidai lokacin Yaƙin Cacar Baki, masana Afirka masu alaƙa da Tarayyar Soviet sun yi ta muhawara kan ra'ayin gurguzu na Afirka da kuma ingancinsa a cikin ka'idar Markisanci-Leninism.[25] Babban masanin Afirka na Soviet, Farfesa Ivan Potekhin, ya bayar da hujjar cewa gurguzu na Afirka ba zai iya wanzuwa ba saboda ba za a iya samun bambance-bambance na gurguzu na gaskiya na Markisanci-Leninism ba.[26] Babu wani ra'ayi guda ɗaya game da ko gurguzu ya wanzu a Afirka. An fi yarda cewa Afirka za ta iya samun nata hanyar zuwa gurguzu amma ba nata nau'i ba.[27]

Kwararrun Afirka na Soviet sun gane ƙasashe irin su Guinea, Mali, da Ghana a matsayin mafi kusa da gurguzu na gaskiya na Markisanci-Leninism.[28] Ahmed Sékou Touré (1961), Modibo Keïta (1963) da Kwame Nkrumah (1962) an karrama su da kyautar zaman lafiya ta Lenin. Kasashe irin su Senegal da Côte d'Ivoire an dauke su ‘masu adawa’ kuma suna da ra'ayin yin haɗin gwiwa da masu mulkin mallaka.[28]

Manufofin da Soviets suka fi gani a matsayin masu kyau sun haɗa da: 'yancin tattalin arziki, ƙirƙirar tsarin kuɗi na ƙasa, tattalin arzikin ƙasa mai ƙarfi, bankin ƙasa, ikon jihar akan fitar da kayayyaki da sufuri, shirye-shiryen taimakon juna da mallakar ƙasa gaba ɗaya.[28]

Masu gurguzu na Afirka sun yi jayayya don wani nau'i na musamman na gurguzu saboda sun yi imani cewa gurguzu yana da tushe a cikin al'ummar Afirka kafin mulkin mallaka.[29] A cewarsu, al'ummar Afirka al'umma ce marar aji, wanda ke da halin ruhun al'umma da dimokuraɗiyya bisa ga mulki ta hanyar tattaunawa da yarjejeniya.[30] Babban manufar ita ce haɗa kan al'ummar Afirka a cikin wannan hoton da aka fi so na al'ummar gargajiya kafin mulkin mallaka.

Masana Afirka na Soviet ba su yarda cewa al'ummar Afirka suna da al'ummar gargajiya marar aji ba.[31]

Manazarta

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  1. ↑ (Carl ed.). Missing or empty |title= (help)
  2. ↑ 2.0 2.1 Akyeampong, Emmanuel (21 Feb 2018). "African socialism; or, the search for an indigenous model of economic development?" (PDF). Economic History of Developing Regions. 33: 82. doi:10.1080/20780389.2018.1434411. S2CID 158095291 – via Taylor and Francis. Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; name ":5" defined multiple times with different content
  3. ↑ Young 1982.
  4. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named :3
  5. ↑ James, Selma (11 December 2014). "What we can learn from Tanzania's hidden socialist history". The Guardian.
  6. ↑ 6.0 6.1 "About the Name". 2013-02-23. Archived from the original on 2013-02-23. Retrieved 2018-04-22.CS1 maint: BOT: original-url status unknown (link)
  7. ↑ Ng'ethe, Njuguna (1983). "Politics, Ideology and the Underprivileged: The Origins and Nature of the Harambee Phenomenon in Kenya". Journal of Eastern African Research & Development. 13: 150–170. JSTOR 24325584.
  8. ↑ Ngau, Peter M. (1987). "Tensions in Empowerment: The Experience of the "Harambee" (Self-Help) Movement in Kenya". Economic Development and Cultural Change. 35 (3): 523–538. doi:10.1086/451602. JSTOR 1153928. S2CID 153870731.
  9. ↑ Smith, James H. (1992). "Review of The Harambee Movement in Kenya: Self-Help, Development and Education among the Kamba of Kitui District". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 30 (4): 701–703. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00011198. JSTOR 161279. S2CID 154790549.
  10. ↑ Rooney, David (31 October 1988). "Kwame Nkrumah". Palgrave Macmillan. Retrieved 3 April 2020 – via Internet Archive.
  11. ↑ 11.0 11.1 Harris, Laurie Lanzen; Cherie, Abbey (1997). "Biography Today: Modern African Leaders". Omnigraphics Inc – via Internet Archive.
  12. ↑ Vaillant, Janet. Homage to Léopold Sédar Senghor: 1906-2001. Indiana University.
  13. ↑ 13.0 13.1 Vaillant, Janet (1990). "Black, French, and African". Harvard University Press – via Internet Archive.
  14. ↑ Foltz, William J. (1965). From French West Africa to the Mali Federation. Internet Archive. New Haven : Yale University Press.
  15. ↑ "Elections in Senegal". africanelections.tripod.com. Retrieved 2020-05-13.
  16. ↑ "Tarihin tsarin mulki na Senegal". ConstitutionNet. Retrieved 2020-05-13.
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 Skurnik, Walter A. E. (1965). "Leopold Sedar Senghor and African Socialism". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 3 (3): 349–369. doi:10.1017/S0022278X00006169. ISSN 0022-278X. JSTOR 159548. S2CID 154300719.
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 18.2 18.3 18.4 LAL, PRIYA (2010). "Militants, Mothers, and the National Family: "Ujamaa", Gender, and Rural Development in Postcolonial Tanzania". The Journal of African History. 51 (1): 1–20. doi:10.1017/S0021853710000010. ISSN 0021-8537. JSTOR 40984999. S2CID 154960614.
  19. ↑ 19.0 19.1 Dinani, Husseina (2017). "Gendering Villagization: Women and Kinship Networks in Colonial and Socialist Lindi, Tanzania". The International Journal of African Historical Studies. 50 (2): 275–299. ISSN 0361-7882. JSTOR 44723450.
  20. ↑ 20.0 20.1 20.2 20.3 Naylor, Rachel (1999). "Women Farmers and Economic Change in Northern Ghana". Gender and Development. 7 (3): 39–48. doi:10.1080/741923242. ISSN 1355-2074. JSTOR 4030409. PMID 12349478.
  21. ↑ 21.0 21.1 Dei, George J. Sefa (1994). "The Women of a Ghanaian Village: A Study of Social Change". African Studies Review. 37 (2): 121–145. doi:10.2307/524769. ISSN 0002-0206. JSTOR 524769. S2CID 144708838.
  22. ↑ 22.0 22.1 22.2 Peeples, Alexander (2019). "Women's Works: The Evolution of Tanzanian Women's Movements from Late Colonialism to Post-Structural Adjustment". cdr.lib.unc.edu. doi:10.17615/et00-qj71. Retrieved 2022-12-16.
  23. ↑ 23.0 23.1 23.2 23.3 Beck, Linda J. (2003). "Democratization and the Hidden Public: The Impact of Patronage Networks on Senegalese Women". Comparative Politics. 35 (2): 147–169. doi:10.2307/4150149. ISSN 0010-4159. JSTOR 4150149.
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 24.2 Salem, Sara (2022). "Radical Regionalism: Feminism, Sovereignty and the Pan-African Project". Africa Development. 47 (1): 159–191. doi:10.57054/ad.v47i1.1793 Check |doi= value (help). ISSN 0850-3907. JSTOR 48645757. S2CID 253432132 Check |s2cid= value (help).
  25. ↑ Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay (1968). "The Soviet View of African Socialism". African Affairs. 67 (268): 197–208. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095754. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 719903.
  26. ↑ Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay (1968). "The Soviet View of African Socialism". African Affairs. 67 (268): 197–198. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095754. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 719903.
  27. ↑ Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay (1968). "The Soviet View of African Socialism". African Affairs. 67 (268): 201. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095754. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 719903.
  28. ↑ 28.0 28.1 28.2 Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay (1968). "The Soviet View of African Socialism". African Affairs. 67 (268): 199. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095754. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 719903.
  29. ↑ Sanders, AJGM (1978). "On African socialism and natural law thinking". The Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa. 11 (1): 70. ISSN 0010-4051. JSTOR 23905598.
  30. ↑ Sanders, AJGM (1978). "On African socialism and natural law thinking". The Comparative and International Law Journal of Southern Africa. 11 (1): 70–71. ISSN 0010-4051. JSTOR 23905598.
  31. ↑ Klinghoffer, Arthur Jay (1968). "The Soviet View of African Socialism". African Affairs. 67 (268): 200. doi:10.1093/oxfordjournals.afraf.a095754. ISSN 0001-9909. JSTOR 719903.

Mahaɗa

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  • Bismarck U. Mwansasu and Cranford Pratt, Towards Socialism in Tanzania, University of Toronto Press, Toronto, 1979.
  • Fenner Brockway, African Socialism, The Bodley Head, London, 1963.
  • Ghita Jonescu and Ernest Gellner, Populism, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1969.
  • Ngau, P. M. (1987). Tensions in Empowerment: The Experience of the “Harambee” (Self-Help) Movement in Kenya. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 35(3), 523–538.
  • Ng’ethe, N. (1983). POLITICS, IDEOLOGY AND THE UNDERPRIVILEGED: THE ORIGINS AND NATURE OF THE HARAMBEE PHENOMENON IN KENYA. Journal of Eastern African Research & Development, 13, 150–170.
  • Paolo Andreocci, Democrazia, partito unico e populismo nel pensiero politico africano, in Africa, Rome, n. 2–3, 1969.
  • Peter Worsley, The Third World, Weidenfeld & Nicolson, London, 1964.
  • William H. Crawford and Carl G. Rosberg Jr., African Socialism, Stanford University press, California, 1964.
  • Ngau, P. M. (1987). Tensions in Empowerment: The Experience of the “Harambee” (Self-Help) Movement in Kenya. Economic Development and Cultural Change, 35(3), 523–538.
  • Ng’ethe, N. (1983). POLITICS, IDEOLOGY AND THE UNDERPRIVILEGED: THE ORIGINS AND NATURE OF THE HARAMBEE PHENOMENON IN KENYA. Journal of Eastern African Research & Development, 13, 150–170.
  • Smith, J. H. (1992). [Review of Review of The Harambee Movement in Kenya: Self-Help, Development and Education among the Kamba of Kitui District, by M. J. D. Hill]. The Journal of Modern African Studies, 30(4), 701–703.
  • Yves Bénot, Idélogies des Indepéndances africaines, F. Maspero, Paris, 1969.
  • Young, Crawford (1982). Ideology and Development in Africa. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300027440.
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