Jump to content

Yakin Iyaka na Afirka ta Kudu

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.
Infotaula d'esdevenimentYakin Iyaka na Afirka ta Kudu

Iri yaƙi
Kwanan watan 26 ga Augusta, 1966
Wuri Namibiya

Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu, wanda aka fi sani da Yakin Independence na Namibia, kuma wani lokacin ana nuna shi a Afirka ta Kudu a matsayin Yakin Bush na Angola, ya kasance rikici ne wanda ya faru a Namibia (sa'an nan Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma), Zambia, da Angola daga 26 ga Agusta 1966 zuwa 21 ga Maris 1990. An yi yaƙi tsakanin Sojojin Tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu (SADF) da Sojojin 'Yancin Jama'a na Namibia (PLAN), wani bangare mai dauke da makamai na Kungiyar Jama'ar Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma (SWAPO). Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu ya haɗu da Yaƙin basasar Angola.

Bayan shekaru da yawa na rashin nasara ta hanyar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da Kotun Shari'a ta Duniya don 'yancin Namibia daga Afirka ta Kudu, SWAPO ta kafa PLAN a 1962 tare da taimakon kayan aiki daga Tarayyar Soviet, China, da jihohin Afirka masu tausayi kamar Tanzania, Ghana, da Aljeriya. Yaƙi ya ɓarke tsakanin PLAN da sojojin tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu a watan Agusta shekara ta 1966. Tsakanin 1975 da 1988, SADF ta shirya manyan hare-hare a cikin Angola da Zambia don kawar da wuraren aiki na PLAN. Har ila yau, ta tura ƙwararrun masu yaki da ta'addanci kamar Koevoet da 32 Battalion, waɗanda aka horar da su don gudanar da bincike na waje da bin diddigin ƙungiyoyin 'yan tawaye.

Hanyoyin Afirka ta Kudu sun kara tsanantawa yayin da rikici ya ci gaba.[1] Hare-haren SADF sun haifar da asarar Angola kuma a wasu lokuta sun haifar da mummunar lalacewar tattalin arziki da ake ɗauka da mahimmanci ga tattalin arzikin Angola.[2] A bayyane yake don dakatar da waɗannan hare-haren, amma kuma don rushe haɗin gwiwa mai girma tsakanin SADF da National Union for the Total Independence for Angola (UNITA), wanda tsohon ke dauke da kayan aikin PLAN da aka kama, Tarayyar Soviet ta goyi bayan Sojojin Jama'a na 'Yancin Angola (FAPLA) ta hanyar babban dakarun masu ba da shawara na soja, tare da har zuwa dala biliyan hudu na fasahar tsaro ta zamani a cikin shekarun 1980.[3][4][5] Da farko a shekara ta 1984, rundunonin Angola na yau da kullun a karkashin umurnin Soviet sun sami tabbaci sosai don fuskantar SADF.[5] Dubban sojojin Cuban sun kuma karfafa matsayinsu.[5] Yanayin yaƙi tsakanin Afirka ta Kudu da Angola ya ƙare a takaice tare da Yarjejeniyar Lusaka ta ɗan gajeren lokaci, amma ya sake dawowa a watan Agustan 1985 yayin da PLAN da UNITA suka yi amfani da tsagaita wuta don ƙarfafa ayyukansu na 'yan tawaye, wanda ya haifar da sabuntawa na ayyukan yaƙi na FAPLA wanda ya ƙare a Yaƙin Cuito Cuanavale . [2] Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu ya kusan ƙare ta hanyar Yarjejeniyar Tripartite, wanda Amurka ta yi sulhu, wanda ya himmatu ga janyewar sojojin Cuban da Afirka ta Kudu daga Angola da Afirka ta kudu, bi da bi.[6][7] PLAN ta kaddamar da kamfen dinta na karshe a watan Afrilun shekara ta 1989. [8] Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma ta sami 'yancin kai a matsayin Jamhuriyar Namibia shekara guda bayan haka, a ranar 21 ga Maris 1990

Duk da cewa an yi yaƙi da shi a jihohin makwabta, Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu ya yi tasiri sosai ga al'adun da siyasa a kan al'ummar Afirka ta Kudu. Gwamnatin wariyar launin fata ta kasar ta ba da gudummawa sosai ga gabatar da yakin a matsayin wani ɓangare na shirin hanawa da fadada yankin Soviet kuma ta yi amfani da shi don tayar da ra'ayi na adawa da kwaminisanci. Ya kasance babban jigon a cikin wallafe-wallafen Afirka ta Kudu na zamani gabaɗaya da ayyukan yaren Afrikaans musamman, bayan ya haifar da nau'i na musamman da aka sani da grensliteratuur (wanda aka fassara kai tsaye "littattafan iyaka").

Nomenclature

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

An yi amfani da sunaye daban-daban ga rikice-rikicen da Afirka ta Kudu ta yi a Angola da Namibia (sa'an nan Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma) daga tsakiyar shekarun 1960 zuwa ƙarshen shekarun 1980. Kalmar "Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu" yawanci tana nuna yakin basasa da Sojojin 'Yanci na Namibia (PLAN) suka kaddamar, wanda ya ɗauki nau'in sabuntawa da tayar da kayar baya a yankunan karkara, da kuma hare-haren waje da sojojin Afirka ta Kudu suka kaddara a kan wuraren da ake zargi na PLAN a cikin Angola ko Zambia. Wadannan a wasu lokuta sun haifar da al'amuran al'ada tare da Sojojin Tsaro na Zambiya (ZNDF) da Sojoji na Jama'a na 'Yanci na Angola (FAPLA). [1] Yanayin dabarun ya kara rikitarwa da gaskiyar cewa Afirka ta Kudu ta mamaye manyan yankuna na Angola na dogon lokaci don tallafawa Ƙungiyar Ƙasa don Cikakken Independence na Angola (UNITA), yana mai da "Yakin Yankin" rikici mai yawa daga Yaƙin basasar Angola. [1]

"Yakin kan iyaka" ya shiga jawabin jama'a a Afirka ta Kudu a ƙarshen shekarun 1970s; Jam'iyyar National Party mai mulki ta karɓi kalmar daga baya. Saboda yanayin ɓoye na yawancin ayyukan Sojojin Tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu (SADF) a cikin Angola, an fi son kalmar a matsayin hanyar watsar da duk wani ambaton aiki a ƙasar waje. Inda aka tattauna fannoni masu mahimmanci na alkawura daban-daban, wasu masana tarihi na zamani sun gano rikici a matsayin "yaƙin daji". [1] [2]

The so-called "border war" of the 1970s and 1980s was not actually a war at all by classic standards. At the same time it eludes exact definitions. The core of it was a protracted insurgency in South West Africa, later South-West Africa/Namibia and still later Namibia. At the same time it was characterised by the periodical involvement of the SADF in the long civil war taking place in neighbouring Angola, because the two conflicts could not be separated from one another.

— Willem Steenkamp, South African military historian[3]

Kungiyar Jama'ar Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma (SWAPO) ta bayyana Yakin Yankin Afirka ta Kudu a matsayin Yakin 'Yanci na Kasa na Namibiya da Yakin' Yanci na Namibiya . A cikin mahallin Namibiya, ana kuma kiranta Yakin Independence na Namibiya . Koyaya, an soki waɗannan sharuɗɗan saboda yin watsi da tasirin yankin da yaƙin da kuma gaskiyar cewa yawancin fadace-fadacen sun faru ne a wasu ƙasashe ban da Namibia.[1]

Tarihi

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Namibia ta kasance karkashin mulkin Jamus ta Kudu maso Yammacin Afirka, mulkin mallaka na Daular Jamus, har zuwa yakin duniya na farko, lokacin da sojojin Allied suka mamaye shi kuma suka mamaye ta karkashin Janar Louis Botha. Bayan Armistice na 11 ga Nuwamba 1918, Ƙungiyar Al'ummai ta sanya tsarin umarni don gudanar da yankunan Afirka da Asiya da Jamus da Daular Ottoman ke riƙe kafin yaƙin. An kafa tsarin umarni a matsayin sulhu tsakanin wadanda suka yi kira ga mamaye tsoffin yankunan Jamus da Turkiyya, da kuma wani tsari da wadanda suke so su ba da yankuna ga amintattu na kasa da kasa suka gabatar.[4]

Dukkanin tsoffin yankunan Jamus da Turkiyya an rarraba su cikin nau'ikan umarni guda uku - umarnin Class "A", galibi a Gabas ta Tsakiya; umarnin Class ""B", wanda ya kunshi tsakiyar Afirka; da umarnin Class 'C", waɗanda aka tanada don mafi yawan jama'a ko mafi ƙarancin yankunan Jamus: Afirka ta Kudu, Jamus New Guinea, da tsibirin Pacific.

Saboda karamin girman su, nesa da ƙasa, ƙarancin yawan jama'a, ko kusanci na zahiri ga ikon tilas kanta, ana iya gudanar da umarnin Class "C" a matsayin larduna masu mahimmanci na ƙasashen da aka ba su. Duk da haka, bayar da umarni ta League of Nations ba ta ba da cikakken ikon mallaka ba, kawai alhakin gudanar da shi. Bisa ka'ida, ƙasashe masu ba da umarni kawai sun riƙe waɗannan tsoffin yankuna "a amincewa" ga mazaunansu, har sai sun kasance sun isa su shirya don kansu. A karkashin wadannan sharuddan, an ba Japan, Australia, da New Zealand tsibirin Pacific na Jamus, kuma Tarayyar Afirka ta Kudu ta karɓi Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[5]

Ba da daɗewa ba ya zama bayyananne cewa gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu ta fassara umarnin a matsayin mamayewa mai ɓoye. A watan Satumbar 1922, Firayim Ministan Afirka ta Kudu Jan Smuts ya ba da shaida a gaban Hukumar Kula da Majalisar Dinkin Duniya cewa ana shigar da Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma a cikin Tarayyar kuma ya kamata a dauke ta, don duk dalilai masu amfani, a matsayin lardin na biyar na Afirka ta Kudu.[5] A cewar Smuts, wannan ya zama "haɗin kai a cikin duka sai dai a cikin suna".[5]

A cikin shekarun 1920 da 1930, Ƙungiyar Al'ummai ta koka cewa daga cikin dukkan iko na tilas Afirka ta Kudu ita ce mafi yawan laifi game da kiyaye ka'idojin wa'adin ta. Hukumar Mandate ta soke wasu yanke shawara na manufofin Afirka ta Kudu, kamar shawarwari don sanya hanyoyin jirgin kasa na Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma ko canza iyakokin da suka gabata.[6] Har ila yau, an yi tir da zargi mai tsanani game da kashe kudi na Afirka ta Kudu a kan fararen mutanen yankin, wanda tsohon ya kare shi a matsayin wajibi tun lokacin da aka biya fararen Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma haraji mafi nauyi.[6] Kungiyar ta karɓi gardamar cewa babu wani ɓangare na yawan jama'ar da ke da damar samun kulawa mai kyau a kan wani, kuma sharuɗɗan da aka ba da umarnin ba su da wani tanadi don wajibai na musamman ga fararen fata.[6] Ya nuna cewa akwai karancin shaidar ci gaba da ake samu zuwa ga 'yancin kai na siyasa.[6] Kafin yakin duniya na biyu, Afirka ta Kudu da League sun kasance a cikin rikici game da wannan takaddama.[6]

Halaccin Mulkin Kudancin Yammacin Afirka, 1946–1960

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Bayan Yaƙin Duniya na Biyu, Jan Smuts ne ya jagoranci tawagar Afirka ta Kudu zuwa Taron Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya kan Ƙungiyoyin Ƙasashen Duniya. Sakamakon wannan taro, Majalisar Ƙasashen Duniya ta koma hannun Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya (UN) tare da maye gurbin tsarin mallaka da tsarin amintattu. Sashe na 77 na Kundin Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya ya bayyana cewa tsarin amintattu zai shafi... ƙasashen da ke ƙarƙashin tsarin mallaka yanzu; kuma hakan zai kasance bisa yarjejeniya daga baya a kan waɗanne ƙasashe ne za a saka a ƙarƙashin tsarin amintattu da kuma ƙarƙashin wane sharadi.[7] Smuts ya nuna shakku game da tsarin amintattu da aka gabatar, musamman saboda rashin cikakken bayani a cikin Sashe na 77.[6]

Heaton Nicholls, kwamishinan Afirka ta Kudu a Burtaniya kuma ɗaya daga cikin 'yan tawagar Smuts zuwa UN, ya yi jawabi a gaban Babban Taron Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya a ranar 17 ga Janairu 1946.[7] Nicholls ya bayyana cewa rashin tabbas game da matsayin doka na Kudancin Yammacin Afirka yana hana ci gaba da jawo jari daga ƙasashen waje; amma ikon cin gashin kai a wannan lokaci ba zai yiwu ba domin yankin bai ci gaba sosai ba kuma yana da ƙarancin jama'a don ya zama ƙasa mai cikakken 'yanci.[7] A ɓangare na biyu na zaman farko na Babban Taro, an ba Smuts damar magana, inda ya bayyana cewa tsarin mallakar ƙasar yana da alaƙa kai tsaye da ƙasar Afirka ta Kudu da mutanenta.[7] Smuts ya shaida wa Babban Taro cewa Kudancin Yammacin Afirka ta riga ta haɗu da Afirka ta Kudu matuƙar har ma ƙara da amincewar UN ba komai ba ne face wata takamaiman doka kawai.[7]

Bukatar tawagar Smuts na kawo ƙarshen tsarin mallaka da neman amincewa da haɗa Kudancin Yammacin Afirka da Afirka ta Kudu ba ta samu karɓuwa ba a Babban Taro.[7] Ƙasashe biyar, ciki har da manyan masu mallaka uku, sun amince da sanya mallakarsu ƙarƙashin tsarin amintattu na UN, aƙalla a matsayin ra'ayi; sai dai Afirka ta Kudu ce kaɗai ta ƙi. Yawancin wakilai sun nace cewa ba daidai ba ne a goyi bayan haɗa ƙasa da ake da iko da ita ta hanyar mallaka, musamman idan sauran ƙasashen sun shiga tsarin amintattu.[6] Ƙasashe guda talatin da bakwai ne suka kada ƙuri’ar kin amincewa da haɗa Kudancin Yammacin Afirka da Afirka ta Kudu; guda tara sun ƙi kada ƙuri’a.[6]

A Pretoria, 'yan siyasar dama sun fusata da abinda suka kira tsoma bakin da bai kamata ba daga UN a harkar Kudancin Yammacin Afirka. Jam’iyyar National Party ta yi watsi da UN a matsayin wata hukuma da ba ta cancanta ta sa baki ko tattauna yadda Afirka ta Kudu ke tafiyar da mulkinta ba.[6] Ɗaya daga cikin wakilan National Party, Eric Louw, ya bukaci a haɗa Kudancin Yammacin Afirka da Afirka ta Kudu ba tare da neman izini ba.[6] A zaɓen gama gari na Afirka ta Kudu na shekarar 1948, National Party ta lashe zaɓe kuma sabon Firaminista Daniel Malan ya shirya ɗaukar matakin ƙarfi dangane da haɗa ƙasar, inda aka nada Louw a matsayin jakada zuwa UN. A wata hira a Windhoek, Malan ya jaddada matsayar jam’iyyarsa cewa Afirka ta Kudu za ta haɗa yankin kafin ta yarda da tsarin amintattu.[6] A shekara ta gaba, an tura wata sanarwa zuwa Babban Taro wadda ta bayyana cewa Afirka ta Kudu ba ta da niyyar bin tsarin amintattu kuma ba ta da wani wajibcin bayar da sabbin rahotanni dangane da yadda take tafiyar da yankin.[8] A lokaci guda, an kafa dokar Gudanar da Harkokin Kudancin Yammacin Afirka ta 1949 a majalisar dokokin Afirka ta Kudu. Wannan sabon doka ta bai wa fararen fata 'yan Kudancin Yammacin Afirka wakilci a majalisar dokoki da 'yancin siyasa iri ɗaya da na fararen fata a Afirka ta Kudu.[8]

Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya ta amsa da mika lamarin zuwa Kotun Ƙoli ta Ƙasa da Ƙasa (ICJ), wadda za ta bayar da ra’ayi na shari’a kan matsayin Kudancin Yammacin Afirka a duniya.[6] Kotun ICJ ta yanke cewa Kudancin Yammacin Afirka har yanzu tana ƙarƙashin tsarin mallaka; saboda haka, Afirka ta Kudu ba ta da wajibci ta mika yankin ƙarƙashin tsarin amintattu na UN idan ba ta yarda da cewa tsarin mallaka ya ƙare ba.[8] Duk da haka, har yanzu tana ƙarƙashin sharuddan asalin tsarin mallaka.[8] Bin tsarin asali yana nufin cewa Afirka ta Kudu ba za ta iya sauya matsayin ƙasa na ƙasar ba kai tsaye.[8] Malan da gwamnatinsa sun ƙi amincewa da ra’ayin kotun suna mai cewa bai da amfani.[6] UN ta kafa Kwamitin Kudancin Yammacin Afirka wanda ya fitar da rahotanni masu zaman kansu dangane da mulki da cigaban wannan yanki. Rahotannin sun ƙara zafin suka akan jami’an Afirka ta Kudu lokacin da Jam’iyyar National Party ta tilasta tsarin wariyar launin fata—*apartheid*—a Kudancin Yammacin Afirka.[8]

A 1958, UN ta kafa Kwamitin Ayyuka Nagari wanda ya ci gaba da gayyatar Afirka ta Kudu don kawo Kudancin Yammacin Afirka ƙarƙashin tsarin amintattu.[8] Kwamitin ya gabatar da shawarar a raba yankin, inda Afirka ta Kudu za ta haɗa ɓangaren kudu sannan a ba wa arewa ‘yanci, ciki har da yankin da ke da yawan jama’a na Ovamboland, ko kuma a gudanar da shi a matsayin yankin amintattu na duniya.[6] Wannan shawarar ta fuskanci ƙiyayya a Babban Taro; ƙasashe hamsin da shida ne suka kada ƙuri’ar kin amincewa. Duk wani yunkuri na ƙara raba Kudancin Yammacin Afirka aka watsar da shi gaba ɗaya.[6]

Adawa daga cikin gida ga mulkin Afirka ta Kudu

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Karuwar adawa daga cikin gida ga tsarin wariyar launin fata (apartheid) ta taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen ci gaban gwagwarmayar 'yan kishin kasa a Kudancin Yammacin Afirka daga tsakiyar shekarun 1950 zuwa karshensu.[9] Gangamin Bijirewa na 1952, jerin zanga-zangar lumana da Kongresin 'Yan Afirka ya kaddamar don nuna rashin amincewa da dokar takardu na tafiya (pass laws), ya zaburar da matasan makaranta a Kudancin Yammacin Afirka su kafa kungiyoyin dalibai masu adawa da wariyar launin fata.[10] A shekarar 1955, wasu daga cikinsu suka kafa Kungiyar Cigaban Kudancin Yammacin Afirka (SWAPA), karkashin jagorancin Uatja Kaukuetu, domin fafutukar samun 'yancin kai. Ko da yake SWAPA ba ta samu gagarumar goyon baya daga jama'a ba, sai dai ita ce ta farko daga cikin kungiyoyin kishin kasa da ta ce tana wakiltar duk bakaken fata na Kudancin Yammacin Afirka ba tare da la’akari da kabila ko harshe ba.[9] Mafi yawan 'yan SWAPA daliban Herero ne, malamai, da wasu daga cikin sabbin masu ilimi na bakaken fata a Windhoek.[10]

A gefe guda kuma, Kongresin Mutanen Ovamboland (daga baya aka sauya suna zuwa Kungiyar Mutanen Ovamboland, wato OPO) an kafa ta ne daga cikin ‘yan kishin kasa daga cikin ma’aikatan Ovambo da ke aiki a birnin Cape Town, Afirka ta Kudu. Kundin tsarin mulkin OPO ya bayyana burinta na neman amincewar Majalisar Dinkin Duniya don gudanar da aikin janye ikon mallakar mulki da kuma samun cikakken ‘yanci ga Kudancin Yammacin Afirka.[10] An gabatar da shawarwarin hada kai tsakanin ma’aikatan kwantiragin Ovambo daga arewacin Kudancin Yammacin Afirka da daliban Herero; wannan ya haifar da hade SWAPA da OPO a matsayin Kungiyar Tarayyar Kudancin Yammacin Afirka (SWANU) a ranar 27 ga Satumba, 1959.[9]

A watan Disamba 1959, gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu ta sanar da shirin korar dukkan mazauna unguwar Old Location — wani unguwar bakake kusa da tsakiyar birnin Windhoek — bisa ga dokokin wariyar launin fata.[9] SWANU ta mayar da martani ta hanyar shirya zanga-zanga da kauracewa hawa motar haya a ranar 10 ga Disamba. A rikicin da ya biyo baya, ‘yan sanda na Afirka ta Kudu sun bude wuta, inda suka kashe masu zanga-zanga guda goma sha daya.[9] Bayan wannan lamari, OPO ta balle daga SWANU saboda sabani da jagorancin Herero na SWANU.[9] Domin gujewa kamannin wariyar kabila da kuma kasancewa abin karɓa a idon Majalisar Dinkin Duniya da sauran masu goyon bayan kasashen waje — wadanda suka fi son kungiyoyi masu wakiltar jama’a gaba daya — OPO ta sauya suna zuwa Kungiyar Jama'ar Kudancin Yammacin Afirka (SWAPO).[9] Daga baya SWAPO ta bude kofarta ga duk wani dan Kudancin Yammacin Afirka da ke goyon bayan manufofinta.[10]

Sam Nujoma, wanda ya kafa SWAPO kuma jagoran ta da ta gabata OPO.

Shugabannin SWAPO sun fara fita kasashen waje domin neman goyon bayan al’ummar duniya, musamman sabbin kasashen Afirka masu 'yanci. Kungiyar ta samu nasarar diflomasiyya bayan Tanganyika ta amince da ita kuma ta ba ta ofishi a birnin Dar es Salaam.[9] Manufarta ta farko, wadda aka fitar a watan Yuli 1960, tana da kamanceceniya da ta SWANU. Dukansu suna goyon bayan rushe tsarin mulkin mallaka da duk wani nau'in wariya, inganta hadin kan Afirka (Pan-Africanism), da kuma neman ci gaba na tattalin arziki, zamantakewa da al’adu na jama’ar Kudancin Yammacin Afirka.[10] Amma SWAPO ta kai gaba kadan inda ta bukaci a ba da 'yancin kai nan take bisa ga rinjayar bakaken fata, ba daga baya ba fiye da shekarar 1963.[10] Manufofin SWAPO kuma sun hada da kada kuri’a ta kowa da kowa, shirye-shiryen jin kai, kiwon lafiya da ilimi kyauta, kwace manyan masana’antu daga kamfanonin waje, da kuma raba filaye na kamfanoni bisa tsarin mallakar kowa da kowa na Afirka.[10]

Idan aka kwatanta da SWANU, SWAPO ba ta da karfin tasiri na siyasa a cikin gida sosai, don haka ta fi karkata zuwa daukar makami a matsayin hanyar cimma manufofinta.[9] Shugabannin SWAPO sun yi amannar cewa daukar makami zai nuna tsantsar kudurinsu wajen ganin 'yancin kai ya tabbata.[10] Sun kuma yi imani cewa hakan zai bambanta SWAPO da SWANU a idon masu goyon bayan waje, su kuma zama wadanda suka fi cancanta su samu tallafi.[10]

SWAPO ta kafa rundunar sojin sa kai mai suna Rundunar ’Yantar da Kudancin Yammacin Afirka (SWALA) a shekarar 1962, bisa tsarin Umkhonto we Sizwe, rundunar soji ta ANC.[9] Daya daga cikin matakan farko da suka dauka shi ne tura sojoji guda bakwai daga Dar es Salaam zuwa kasar Masar da Tarayyar Soviet domin samun horon soji.[11] Bayan dawowarsu, suka fara horar da mayaƙa a wani sansanin wucin gadi da aka kafa domin ‘yan gudun hijira na Kudancin Yammacin Afirka a yankin Kongwa, Tanzaniya.[11]

Tashin Hankali na Yakin Cacar Baka da Kafaffen Iyakoki

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Yiwuwar barkewar rikici a yammacin Afirka ta Kudu na da tasiri mai yawa ga manufofin kasashen duniya, musamman na Turai ta Yamma da kuma kasashen gungun Soviet.[12] Kafin ƙarshen shekarun 1950, manufofin tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu sun kasance a karkashin tasirin siyasar Yakin Cacar Baka ta duniya, ciki har da ka'idar domino da kuma tsoron barazanar sojan Soviet ga hanyar kasuwanci mai mahimmanci da ke tsakanin Tekun Atlantika da Tekun Indiya.[13] Ma’aikatar Harkokin Wajen Afirka ta Kudu ta lura cewa kasar ta zama babban tushen sinadarin uranium a duniya, don haka ta bayyana cewa "saboda wannan dalili kadai, Afirka ta Kudu za ta kasance cikin kowanne yaki tsakanin Gabas da Yamma".[13] Firayim Minista Malan ya bayyana cewa nahiyar Afirka tana fuskantar barazana daga Soviet ko kuma daga ‘yan gwagwarmayar kwaminis da suke samun goyon baya daga su, kuma wannan barazana na iya karuwa idan wani yaki ya sake barkewa a Turai.[13] Malan ya ba da shawarar a kafa kawancen tsaro na Afirka wanda zai yi kama da NATO, wanda Afirka ta Kudu da sauran kasashen mulkin mallaka na Yamma za su jagoranta. Amma wannan tunani ya ci tura saboda adawar kasa da kasa ga tsarin wariyar launin fata da kuma shakku kan burin soja na Afirka ta Kudu a cikin kungiyar Commonwealth.[13]

Shiga Afirka ta Kudu a yakin Korea ya taimaka wajen kyautata alakar Malan da Amurka, duk da cewa Amurka na sukar tsarin wariyar launin fata.[14] Har zuwa farkon shekarun 1960, ana daukar taimakon tsaro da na soja daga Afirka ta Kudu a matsayin wani bangare na muhimmiyar manufa ta diflomasiyya ta Amurka a kudancin Afirka, kuma akwai ci gaba wajen samun fasahar soja daga Washington zuwa Pretoria.[14] Sha'awar Yammacin duniya ga kare Afirka daga wata yiwuwar mamayar kwaminis daga waje ta ragu bayan da ya bayyana cewa yakin makaman nukiliya ya sa yiwuwar yaki na gargajiya ya zama karanci.[13] Daga nan ne aka koma kan kokarin hana kutsen kwaminis ta hanyar yakin wakilai maimakon harin kai tsaye daga Soviet.[13]

Kayan yaki na asalin Soviet da aka bai wa SWAPO. Daga hagu zuwa dama: jaka, bindigar masu harbi daga nesa Dragunov, harsashin PG-7V RPG, da kuma mai harba makamin RPG-7.

Bayyanar yakin yancin kai na duniya da kuma karuwar tasirin Soviet a kasashen Afirka da suka samu 'yancin kai ya sanya gwamnati Afirka ta Kudu cikin fargaba.[15] 'Yan siyasar Jam’iyyar National sun fara gargadi cewa lokaci ba zai jima ba kafin su fuskanci farmakin 'yan tawaye da Soviet ke mara wa baya a kan iyakokinsu.[15] Yankunan karkara na yammacin Afirka ta Kudu, musamman yankin Caprivi Strip, sun zama cibiyar horar da sojojin sama da kasa na SADF tare da karfafa tsaro a iyaka.[12] Shekara guda kafin SWAPO ta aika da dakarunta na farko zuwa ketare domin samun horon yakin guerilla, Afirka ta Kudu ta gina sansanonin 'yan sanda masu kariya a yankin Caprivi domin dakile 'yan tawaye.[12] Lokacin da dakarun SWALA suka fara bayyana a yammacin Afirka ta Kudu dauke da makaman Soviet da horo daga gare su, Jam’iyyar National ta tabbatar da cewa fargabarta ta gamu da gaskiya – wato ana fuskantar yakin wakilai na Soviet a yankin.[12]

Soviet sun nuna gagarumar sha'awa a gwagwarmayar neman ‘yanci a Afirka, inda suka yi fata cewa kafa kasashen abokan hulda masu bin tsarin gurguzu zai hana Yamma samun albarkatun tattalin arziki da na tsaro daga nahiyar.[16] Horo da Soviet suka bai wa SWALA ba ya tsaya kan dabarun yaki kadai ba, har ya hada da ilimin siyasar Marxist–Leninist da yadda za a kafa cibiyoyin siyasa da na soja masu karfi.[17] Bayan horo, Soviet suka zama manyan masu ba SWALA makamai da kudi.[18] Makaman da Soviet suka bai wa SWALA tsakanin 1962 da 1966 sun hada da bindigogin PPSh-41, SKS, da TT-33, wadanda suka dace da tsarin yaki na ‘yan tawayen.[19][20]:22

Duk da dangantakar da ke kara karfi tsakanin SWAPO da Soviet, kasashen Soviet ba su dauki Kudancin Afirka a matsayin babban muhimmin yanki na siyasa ba a tsakiyar shekarun 1960, saboda mayar da hankali a wasu sassan Afirka da Gabas ta Tsakiya.[17] Sai dai kallon Afirka ta Kudu a matsayin abokin kawance na yammacin duniya da ginshikin mulkin mallaka na zamani (neocolonialism) ya taimaka wajen karfafa goyon bayan Soviet ga gwagwarmayar neman yanci.[17] Haka kuma Moscow ta amince da yadda SWAPO ta rungumi yakin guerilla, domin ba su da fata ga warware matsalar yammacin Afirka ta Kudu ba tare da juyin juya hali ba.[17] Wannan ya saba da matsayar kasashen yamma, wadanda suka ki amincewa da kafa SWALA kuma suka ki amsa bukatar samun taimakon soji daga gare su.[21]

Fara Tashe-tashen hankula (1964–1974)

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Katsalandan na farko na ƴan tawaye

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

A watan Nuwamba na 1960, Habasha da Laberiya sun gabatar da roƙo a hukumance ga Kotun Shari’ar Ƙasa ta Duniya (ICJ) don neman hukunci mai ɗaurewa, maimakon ra'ayin shawara, kan ko Afirka ta Kudu ta cancanta ta ci gaba da mulkin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma. Duk ƙasashen biyu sun nanata cewa suna ɗaukar aiwatar da apartheid a matsayin cin zarafi ga alƙawurran Pretoria a matsayin ƙasar da ke da umarni.[8] Gwamnatin Jam'iyyar National Party ta ƙi amincewa da da'awar bisa dalilin cewa Habasha da Laberiya ba su da isasshen buƙatu na doka don gabatar da shari'a game da Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[8] Wannan jayayya ta fuskanci babban koma baya a ranar 21 ga Disamba 1962 lokacin da ICJ ta yanke hukuncin cewa, a matsayinsu na tsoffin membobin Ƙungiyar Ƙasashen Duniya, duk bangarorin biyu suna da haƙƙin shigar da ƙararrakin.[22]

Kimamin watan Maris 1962, Shugaban SWAPO Sam Nujoma ya ziyarci sansanonin 'yan gudun hijira na jam'iyyar a Tanzaniya, yana bayanin buƙatunsa na baya-bayan nan na samun 'yancin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma a Ƙungiyar Ƙasashen da Ba Su da Bangare da Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya. Ya nuna cewa 'yancin kai ba zai yiwu ba a nan gaba mai nisa, yana hasashen "doguwar gwagwarmaya mai ɗaci".[21] Nujoma da kansa ya umarci 'yan gudun hijira biyu a Dar es Salaam, Lucas Pohamba da Elia Muatale, da su koma Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma, su kutsa cikin Ovamboland kuma su dawo da ƙarin masu shiga aikin SWALA.[21] A cikin ƴan shekaru masu zuwa, Pohamba da Muatale sun yi nasarar tattara ɗaruruwan masu sa kai daga yankin Ovamboland, yawancinsu an kai su Gabashin Turai don horon yaƙin gwagwarmaya.[21] Tsakanin Yuli 1962 da Oktoba 1963, SWAPO ta tattauna yarjejeniyoyin soja tare da sauran ƙungiyoyin yaƙi da mulkin mallaka, musamman a Angola.[23] Ta kuma haɗiye ƙungiyar 'yancin kai ta Caprivi African National Union (CANU), wacce aka kafa don yaƙi da mulkin Afirka ta Kudu a Caprivi Strip.[11] A waje da ƙasashen Soviet bloc, Masar ta ci gaba da horar da ma'aikatan SWALA. Zuwa 1964, wasu kuma ana aika su Ghana, Algeria, Jamhuriyar Jama'ar Sin, da Koriya ta Arewa don horon soja.[21] A watan Yuni na wannan shekarar, SWAPO ta tabbatar da cewa ta ba da kanta gaba ɗaya ga hanya ce ta juyin juya halin makami.[23]

Samar da Kwamitin 'Yanci na Ƙungiyar Haɗin Kan Afirka (OAU) ya ƙara ƙarfafa matsayin SWAPO na duniya kuma ya shigo da lokacin koma bayan siyasa ga SWANU.[21] Kwamitin 'Yanci ya sami kusan £20,000 a matsayin gudummawa ta wajibi daga ƙasashen membobin OAU; an ba da waɗannan kuɗaɗe ga dukkan ƙungiyoyin kishin ƙasa na Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma. Koyaya, tun da SWANU ba ta da niyyar ba da tabbacin cewa rabon ta na £20,000 za a yi amfani da shi don gwagwarmayar makami, an ba da wannan tallafin ga SWAPO maimakon haka.[21] OAU daga baya ta janye amincewa daga SWANU, wanda ya bar SWAPO a matsayin mai cin gajiyar halalcin Pan-Afirka.[23] Tare da taimakon OAU, SWAPO ta buɗe ofisoshin diflomasiyya a Lusaka, Alkahira, da Landan.[21] SWANU ta fara shirin shekaru goma don kafa nata sojojin yaƙin gwagwarmaya.[23]

A watan Satumba na 1965, rukunin farko na ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya shida na SWALA, waɗanda aka bayyana kawai a matsayin "Group 1", sun bar sansanin 'yan gudun hijira na Kongwa don kutsa cikin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[11][24] Group 1 ta fara tafiya zuwa Angola, kafin ta tsallaka iyaka zuwa Caprivi Strip.[24] Da yake ƙarfafa ta da bayyanar gazawar Afirka ta Kudu wajen gano kutsen farko, manyan ƙungiyoyin ƴan tawaye sun yi nasu yunƙurin kutse a watan Fabrairu da Maris 1966.[23] Rukunin na biyu, "Group 2", Leonard Philemon Shuuya ne ya jagorance shi,[23] wanda kuma aka sani da nom de guerre "Castro" ko "Leonard Nangolo".[11] Group 2 a bayyane ta ɓace a Angola kafin ta sami damar tsallaka iyaka, kuma ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya sun watse bayan wani lamari da suka kashe masu shaguna biyu da wani ɗan gararamba.[24] Jami'an mulkin mallaka na Portugal a Angola sun kama uku, waɗanda ke aiki da bayanan da suka samu daga fararen hula na gida.[24] Wasu takwas kuma, ciki har da Shuuya,[23] an kama su tsakanin Maris da Mayu ta ƴan sandan Afirka ta Kudu, a bayyane a Kavangoland.[11] Shuuya daga baya ya sake bayyana a Kongwa, yana mai iƙirarin cewa ya tsere daga hannun waɗanda suka kama shi bayan kama shi. Ya taimaka wajen tsara wasu kutse biyu: wata ƙungiyar SWALA ta uku ta shiga Ovamboland a watan Yulin, yayin da aka shirya ta huɗu za ta biyo baya a watan Satumba.[23]

Muddin muka jira hukuncin a ICJ a Hague, horar da mayaka taka tsantsan ne maimakon shiri kai tsaye don aiki nan take... muna fatan sakamakon shari'ar zai kasance a gare mu. Muddin muna da wannan bege, ba ma son koma wa hanyoyin tashin hankali. Sai dai, hukuncin ya ba mu kunya, kuma abin da muka shirya a matsayin wani nau'i na rashin gaskiya, ba zato ba tsammani ya zama gaskiya mai sanyi da wuya a gare mu. Mun ɗauki makamai, ba mu da wani zaɓi.

Sashe daga sanarwar SWAPO a hukumance game da hukuncin ICJ.[12]

A ranar 18 ga Yuli 1966, ICJ ta yanke hukuncin cewa ba ta da ikon yanke hukunci kan lamarin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma. Bugu da ƙari, kotun ta gano cewa yayin da Habasha da Laberiya ke da locus standi don shigar da ƙararrakin, babu ɗaya daga cikinsu da ke da isasshen buƙatu na doka a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma don ba su damar samun hukunci na cancanta.[22] Wannan hukunci ya gamu da babbar fushi daga SWAPO da OAU.[12] Jami'an SWAPO nan da nan suka bayar da sanarwa daga Dar es Salaam inda suka bayyana cewa yanzu ba su da "wani zaɓi face ɗaukar makamai" da "tsallaka kogunan jini" a cikin tafiyarsu ta samun 'yanci.[21] Da samun labarin, SWALA ta ƙara tsananta tashe-tashen hankula.[12] Ƙungiyar ta uku, wacce ta kutsa cikin Ovamboland a watan Yuli, ta kai hari kan gonakin farar fata, shugabannin gargajiya na Ovambo da ake ɗauka a matsayin wakilan Afirka ta Kudu, da kuma wani gidan bincike na kan iyaka.[23] ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya sun kafa sansani a Omugulugwombashe, ɗaya daga cikin sansanonin guda biyar da tawagar binciken farko na SWALA ta gano a matsayin wuraren da suka dace don horar da sabbin sojoji a nan gaba.[23] A nan, sun horar da masu sa kai talatin na gida tsakanin Satumba 1965 da Agusta 1966.[23] Hukumar leken asiri ta Afirka ta Kudu ta san sansanin a tsakiyar 1966 kuma ta gano wurin da yake.[21] A ranar 26 ga Agusta 1966, an yi babban rikici na farko na rikicin lokacin da sojojin Afirka ta Kudu masu saukar ungulu da rukunin ƴan sanda masu horo suka aiwatar da Operation Blouwildebees don kama ko kashe ƴan tawaye.[19] SWALA ta haƙa ramuka a kewayen Omugulugwombashe don dalilai na tsaro, amma an kama su ba zato ba tsammani kuma an ci galaba a kan yawancin ƴan tawaye da sauri.[19] SWALA ta yi asarar 2 da suka mutu, 1 ya ji rauni, kuma 8 an kama su; ƴan Afirka ta Kudu ba su yi asara ba.[19] Ana ɗaukar wannan rikici a matsayin farkon Yaƙin Iyaka a Afirka ta Kudu, kuma a cewar SWAPO, a hukumance ya nuna farkon gwagwarmayar yaƙin neman 'yanci.[21][25]

Operation Blouwildebees ta haifar da zarge-zargen cin amana a cikin manyan jami'an SWALA. A cewar rahotannin SADF, wani mai ba da labari da ba a san ko wanene ba ya raka jami'an tsaro yayin harin.[19] Sam Nujoma ya tabbatar da cewa ɗaya daga cikin ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya takwas daga rukunin na biyu waɗanda aka kama a Kavangoland ya kasance jami'in leƙen asiri na Afirka ta Kudu. [23] An yi zargin Leonard "Castro" Shuuya nan da nan.[11] SWALA ta fuskanci wani babban koma baya a ranar 18 ga Mayu 1967, lokacin da Tobias Hainyeko, kwamandanta, ya kashe ƴan sandan Afirka ta Kudu.[12] Heinyeko da mutanensa suna ƙoƙarin tsallaka Kogin Zambezi, a matsayin wani ɓangare na binciken gabaɗaya da aka yi niyya don buɗe sabbin layukan sadarwa tsakanin layin gaba a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma da shugabancin siyasa na SWAPO a Tanzaniya.[12] Wani sintiri na Afirka ta Kudu ya tare su, kuma mummunan musayar wuta ya bar Heinyeko ya mutu kuma ƴan sanda biyu sun ji rauni mai tsanani.[12] Jita-jita sun sake yaɗuwa cewa Shuuya ne ke da alhakin, wanda ya haifar da korar sa da kuma ɗaurin kurkuku.[11][23]

A cikin makonnin da suka biyo bayan kai hari kan Omugulugwombashe, Afirka ta Kudu ta tsare ƴan siyasar SWAPO talatin da bakwai, wato Andimba Toivo ya Toivo, Johnny Otto, Nathaniel Maxuilili, da Jason Mutumbulua.[10][21] Tare da ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya na SWALA da aka kama, an tsare su a Pretoria har zuwa Yuli 1967. Duka an gurfanar da su a baya a ƙarƙashin Dokar Ta'addanci, 1967.[10] Jihar ta gurfanar da waɗanda ake zargi a matsayin ƴan juyin juya halin Marxist da ke neman kafa gwamnatin da ke da goyon bayan Soviet a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[21] A cikin abin da aka sani da "Shari'ar Ta'addanci ta 1967", an sami shida daga cikin waɗanda ake zargi da laifin aikata tashin hankali a cikin aikin tawaye, tare da sauran da aka samu da laifin tsoratarwa da makami, ko kuma sun sami horon soja don manufar tawaye.[21] A lokacin shari'ar, waɗanda ake ƙara sun yi jayayya ba tare da nasara ba game da zargin cewa sun san wata makircin Kwaminisanci na waje.[10] Duka sai uku sun sami hukunci tsakanin shekaru biyar zuwa ɗaurin rai da rai a Robben Island.[10]

Faɗaɗa Yaƙin da Yaƙin Ma'adinai

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Kasa a Omugulugwombashe da kuma mutuwar Tobias Hainyeko da ta biyo baya sun tilasta wa SWALA sake tantance dabarun ta. ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya sun fara aiki a cikin manyan ƙungiyoyi don ƙara damar su na tsira daga fuskantar jami'an tsaro, kuma sun sake mayar da hankali kan kutsa cikin fararen hula.[12] Sanye da rigar manoma, ma'aikatan SWALA za su iya saba da yanayin ƙasa da lura da sintirin Afirka ta Kudu ba tare da tada zargi ba.[12] Wannan kuma ya kasance abin amfani na kayan aiki saboda za su iya ɗaukar abin da suka samu kawai yayin da suke filin; in ba haka ba, ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya sun kasance sun dogara ga fararen hula masu tausayi don abinci, ruwa, da sauran buƙatu.[12] A ranar 29 ga Yuli 1967, SADF ta sami bayanin sirri cewa adadi mai yawa na sojojin SWALA sun taru a Sacatxai, wani mazauni kusan kilomita ɗari da talatin arewacin iyaka a cikin Angola.[19] Jiragen yaƙi na Afirka ta Kudu T-6 Harvard sun jefa bama-bamai a Sacatxai a ranar 1 ga Agusta.[19] Yawancin waɗanda aka nufa sun iya tserewa, kuma a watan Oktoba 1968 rukunin SWALA guda biyu sun tsallaka iyaka zuwa Ovamboland.[25] Wannan kutse bai fi na sauran amfani ba kuma a ƙarshen shekarar an kashe ko an kama ƴan tawaye 178 ta ƴan sanda.[25]

A cikin shekarun 1950s da kuma mafi yawan shekarun 1960s, an aiwatar da tsarin hidimar soja mai iyaka ta hanyar caca a Afirka ta Kudu don biyan bukatun tsaron ƙasa.[26] Kimanin tsakiyar 1967 gwamnatin Jam'iyyar National Party ta kafa dokar tilastawa shiga aikin soja ga dukan fararen fata maza na Afirka ta Kudu yayin da SADF ta faɗaɗa don biyan bukatun barazanar ƴan tawaye da ke ƙaruwa.[26] Daga Janairu 1968 zuwa gaba za a sami sojoji biyu a shekara waɗanda za su yi horon soja na tsawon watanni tara.[26] Harin sama a Sacatxai kuma ya nuna babban canji a dabarun Afirka ta Kudu, kamar yadda SADF ta nuna a karon farko shirin kai hari kan SWALA a ƙasar waje.[19] Ko da yake Angola a lokacin lardi ne na Portugal a ƙetare, Lisbon ta amince da buƙatar SADF na kai hare-hare a kan iyaka.[27] A watan Mayu 1967 Afirka ta Kudu ta kafa sabon cibiya a Rundu don daidaita ayyukan haɗin gwiwa na sama tsakanin SADF da Sojojin Portugal, kuma ta sanya jami'an haɗin gwiwa guda biyu na dindindin a Menongue da Cuito Cuanavale.[27]

Yayin da yaƙin ya ƙara tsananta, lamarin Afirka ta Kudu na mamayewa a cikin al'ummar duniya ya ci gaba da raguwa, tare da haɗuwa da wata babbar damuwa ga SWAPO.[10] Duk da ra'ayoyin shawara na ICJ da ke akasin haka, da kuma janye karar da Habasha da Laberiya suka gabatar, Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya ta bayyana cewa Afirka ta Kudu ta gaza a cikin alƙawurran ta na tabbatar da jin daɗin ɗabi'a da kayan abinci na mazaunan asali na Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma, kuma ta saba wa umarninta.[28] Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya ta ɗauka cewa umarnin ya ƙare, wanda ke nufin Afirka ta Kudu ba ta da wani haƙƙin gudanar da yankin, kuma daga yanzu Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma za ta kasance a ƙarƙashin alhakin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya kai tsaye.[28] An kirkiro mukamin Kwamishinan Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya na Namibia, da kuma kwamitin wucin gadi, don bayar da shawarwari kan hanyoyin gudanarwa na gida.[28] Afirka ta Kudu ta ci gaba da cewa ba ta amince da ikon Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya game da umarnin ba kuma ta ƙi ba da biza ga kwamishinan ko kwamitin.[28] A ranar 12 ga Yuni 1968, Majalisar Dinkin Duniya ta amince da wani ƙuduri wanda ya ayyana cewa, bisa ga burin mutanenta, Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma za a sake masa suna Namibia.[28] Ƙudurin Majalisar Dinkin Duniya na Tsaro 269, wanda aka amince da shi a watan Agusta 1969, ya bayyana ci gaba da mamayar Afirka ta Kudu na "Namibia" a matsayin haramun.[28][29] Domin amincewa da shawarar Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya, an sake wa SWALA suna Rundunar Sojojin 'Yancin Namibia.[11]

File:Regiment Windhoek1.PNG|thumb|upright=1.1|Tawagar sojojin Afirka ta Kudu masu sulke a Ohangwena, shekarun 1970s. Jiragen ruwa masu irin waɗannan su ne babban makasudin kai hari da kuma ma'adinai na PLAN. Don sake samun nasarar soja, an tattauna batun amfani da yaƙin ma'adinai a matsayin wani muhimmin dabarun PLAN a wani taron shawarwari na SWAPO na 1969-70 da aka gudanar a Tanzaniya.[29] Jagorancin PLAN ya goyi bayan yunƙurin tura ma'adinai a matsayin hanyar biyan bukatun rashin ƙarfin su a yawancin fannoni na al'ada ga jami'an tsaro na Afirka ta Kudu.[30] Ba da daɗewa ba bayan haka, PLAN ta fara samun ma'adinai na TM-46 daga Tarayyar Soviet, waɗanda aka tsara don dalilai na yaƙi da tankokin yaki, kuma ta samar da wasu ma'adinai na gida "box mines" tare da TNT don amfanin yaƙi da mutane.[29] An sanya ma'adinan da dabara a kan hanyoyi don hana tawagar ƴan sanda ko jefa su cikin rudani kafin kai hari; ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya kuma sun shimfida wasu tare da hanyoyin kutsarsu a kan iyaka mai tsawo da Angola.[31] Yawan ma'adinai a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma tun farko ya haifar da asarar rayuka masu yawa na ƴan sanda kuma zai zama ɗaya daga cikin mahimman abubuwan da suka shafi yaƙin PLAN na tsawon shekaru ashirin masu zuwa.[31]

A ranar 2 ga Mayu 1971 wata motar ƴan sanda ta taka ma'adinai, mai yiwuwa TM-46, a Caprivi Strip.[29][32] Fashewar da ta biyo baya ta haifar da rami a kan hanya kimanin mita biyu a diamita kuma ta tura abin hawa sama, inda ta kashe manyan jami'an ƴan sanda biyu kuma ta raunata wasu tara.[32] Wannan shi ne lamarin farko da aka rubuta da ya shafi ma'adinai a ƙasar Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[32] A watan Oktoba 1971, wata motar ƴan sanda ta fashe wani ma'adinai a wajen Katima Mulilo, inda ta raunata ƴan sanda huɗu.[32] Washegari, wani ɗan sanda na biyar ya ji rauni mai tsanani lokacin da ya taka ma'adinai na biyu da aka shimfida kai tsaye kusa da na farko.[32] Wannan ya nuna sabon dabarun PLAN na shimfiɗa ma'adinai masu yaƙi da mutane a layi ɗaya da ma'adinai masu yaƙi da tankokin yaki don kashe ƴan sanda ko sojoji ko dai suna shiga cikin farko na gano ma'adinai ko kuma binciken wurin fashewar da ta gabata.[30] A 1972, Afirka ta Kudu ta amince cewa wasu ƴan sanda biyu sun mutu kuma wasu uku sun ji rauni sakamakon ma'adinai.[32]

Yawan ma'adinai a Caprivi da sauran yankunan karkara sun haifar da babbar damuwa ga gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu, saboda suna da sauƙi ga ma'aikacin PLAN ya ɓoye kuma ya dasa su tare da ɗan ƙaramin damar gano su.[31] Share hanyoyi don ma'adinai tare da na'urorin gano ma'adinai na hannu yana yiwuwa, amma ya yi jinkiri da wahala don zama hanya mai amfani don tabbatar da saurin motsi na ƴan sanda ko kiyaye hanyoyi a buɗe don amfanin fararen hula.[31] SADF tana da wasu kayan aikin share ma'adinai, ciki har da guga da garma da aka saka a kan tankokin yaki, amma ba a ɗauke su a matsayin masu amfani ba.[31] Girman nisan hanya da ke cikin haɗarin PLAN sappers kowace rana ya yi yawa ga ƙoƙarin gano da sharewa na yau da kullun.[31] Ga SADF da ƴan sanda, kawai wani zaɓi mai yiwuwa shi ne amfani da motocin sulke masu ɗaukar kaya tare da jikin da ke da kariya daga ma'adinai waɗanda za su iya motsawa cikin sauri a kan hanyoyi tare da ɗan ƙaramin haɗari ga fasinjojinsu ko da an ci karo da ma'adinai.[31] Wannan zai haɓaka zuwa sabon nau'in abin hawa na soja, motar MRAP mai kariya daga ma'adinai da kai hari.[31] A ƙarshen 1972, ƴan sandan Afirka ta Kudu suna gudanar da yawancin sintirin su a Caprivi Strip

Tashin Hankali a Ovamboland

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Ƙudurin Kwamitin Tsaro na Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya mai lamba 283 ya amince da shi a watan Yuni 1970 yana kira ga dukkan ƙasashe membobin Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya da su rufe, ko kuma su kaurace wa kafa, ofisoshin jakadanci ko na wakilci a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma.[33] Ƙudurin ya kuma ba da shawarar janye saka hannun jari, kauracewa, da kuma takunkumin son rai na wannan yankin muddin ya kasance ƙarƙashin mulkin Afirka ta Kudu.[33] Dangane da waɗannan ci gaba, Kwamitin Tsaro ya nemi ra'ayin shawara na Kotun Shari'ar Ƙasa ta Duniya (ICJ) game da "sakaci na shari'a ga ƙasashe na ci gaba da kasancewar Afirka ta Kudu a Namibia".[33] Akwai adawa ta farko ga wannan mataki daga SWAPO da OAU, saboda wakilansu sun ji tsoron wani hukunci mara tabbas kamar na 1966 zai ƙarfafa lamarin Afirka ta Kudu na mamayewa.[34] Duk da haka, ra'ayin da ya mamaye a Kwamitin Tsaro shine cewa tun lokacin da aka canza tsarin alƙalai tun 1966, hukunci a kan goyon bayan ƙungiyar kishin ƙasa ya fi yiwuwa.[34] A bisa buƙatar Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya, an ba SWAPO damar yin shawarwari a asirce a kotun kuma an ma ba ta damar kasancewa a matsayin mai sa ido a cikin kotun da kanta.[34]

A ranar 21 ga Yuni 1971, ICJ ta soke shawararta ta baya na kin yanke hukunci kan halaccin umarnin Afirka ta Kudu, kuma ta bayyana ra'ayin cewa duk wani ci gaba da wannan umarni ya saba wa doka.[33] Bugu da ƙari, kotun ta gano cewa Pretoria tana da alhakin janye gwamnatinta nan da nan kuma idan ta kasa yin hakan, ƙasashe membobin Majalisar Ɗinkin Duniya za su tilasta wa kansu su kaurace wa duk wani harkokin siyasa ko kasuwanci wanda zai iya nuna amincewa da kasancewar gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu a can.[34] A ranar da aka bayyana hukuncin ICJ, Firayim Ministan Afirka ta Kudu B. J. Vorster ya ƙi shi a matsayin "mai goyon bayan siyasa", ba tare da tushe a cikin gaskiya ba.[33] Duk da haka, shawarar ta zaburar da bishop-bishop na Cocin Lutheran Evangelical Ovambo-Kavango don rubuta budaddiyar wasiƙa ga Vorster yana yin Allah wadai da nuna bambancin launin fata da ci gaba da mulkin Afirka ta Kudu.[21] An karanta wannan wasiƙa a cikin kowane ikilisiyar Lutheran baƙar fata a yankin, kuma a cikin wasu majami'un Katolika da Anglican a wasu wurare.[21] Sakamakon abubuwan da ke cikin wasiƙar shine ƙaruwar tashin hankali a ɓangaren baƙar fata, musamman tsakanin mutanen Ovambo, waɗanda suka kasance babban ɓangare na magoya bayan SWAPO.[21] A duk tsawon shekarar an yi zanga-zangar nuna adawa ga gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu a yawancin makarantun Ovamboland.[21]

A watan Disamba na 1971, Jannie de Wet, Kwamishinan ƴan asalin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma, ya haifar da yajin aiki na gabaɗaya da ma'aikatan Ovambo 15,000 a Walvis Bay lokacin da ya bayyana a fili yana kare ƙa'idojin kwangilar aiki na yankin da ake ta cece-kuce a kai.[35] Yajin aikin ya bazu cikin sauri zuwa ma'aikatan birni a Windhoek, kuma daga can zuwa ma'adinan lu'u-lu'u, jan karfe da gwangwani, musamman waɗanda ke Tsumeb, Grootfontein, da Oranjemund.[35] Daga baya a cikin watan, ma'aikatan gona Ovambo 25,000 sun shiga abin da ya zama yajin aiki na ƙasa wanda ya shafi rabin jimillar ma'aikata.[35] ƴan sandan Afirka ta Kudu sun mayar da martani ta hanyar kama wasu daga cikin ma'aikatan da suka yi yajin aiki da kuma tura wasu da karfi zuwa Ovamboland.[21] A ranar 10 ga Janairu 1972, an kafa kwamitin yajin aiki na ad hoc wanda Johannes Nangutuuala ke jagoranta, don yin shawarwari da gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu; ma'aikatan da suka yi yajin aiki sun buƙaci a kawo ƙarshen kwangilar aiki, 'yancin neman ayyukan yi bisa ga fasaha da sha'awa kuma a daina aiki idan aka so, 'yancin ma'aikaci ya kawo iyalinsa daga Ovamboland yayin da yake ɗaukar aiki a wani wuri, da kuma daidaiton albashi da ma'aikatan fararen fata.[34]

Daga baya an kawo karshen yajin aikin bayan da gwamnatin Afirka ta Kudu ta amince da wasu sassauci da Nangutuuala ya amince da su, ciki har da aiwatar da daidaitattun sa'o'in aiki da kuma barin ma'aikata su canza ayyukan yi.[21] An kuma mayar da alhakin daukar ma'aikata ga shugabannin kabilu a Ovamboland.[21] Dubban ma'aikatan Ovambo da aka kora sun kasance ba su gamsu da waɗannan sharuɗɗan ba kuma sun ƙi komawa aiki.[21] Sun kai hari kan shugabannin kabilu, sun lalata wuraren sarrafa dabbobi da ofisoshin gwamnati, kuma sun fasa kimanin kilomita ɗari na shinge tare da iyaka, wanda suka ce yana hana Ovambos masu yawo daga kiwon dabbobinsu kyauta.[35] Tashin hankalin ya kuma haifar da rashin jin daɗi tsakanin Ovambos masu magana da yaren Kwanyama a Angola, waɗanda suka lalata tashoshin rigakafin dabbobi da makarantu kuma suka kai hari kan gidan bincike na kan iyaka guda huɗu, inda suka kashe da kuma raunata wasu ma'aikatan SADF da kuma membobin wani rukunin sojojin Portugal.[35] Afirka ta Kudu ta mayar da martani ta hanyar ayyana dokar ta baci a Ovamboland a ranar 4 ga Fabrairu.[34] An sanya dokar hana yada labarai, an kwashe fararen hula zuwa kudancin, an soke haƙƙin taron jama'a, kuma an ba wa jami'an tsaro damar tsare mutane masu shakka har abada.[34] An aika da ƙarin ƴan sanda zuwa iyaka, kuma a cikin danniya da ta biyo baya sun kama Ovambos 213.[35] Afirka ta Kudu ta damu sosai da tashin hankalin har ta tura babban jami'in SADF shima.[35] Sojojin Portugal da suka fito daga can iyaka sun shiga tare da su don taimakawa.[34] A ƙarshen watan Maris an maido da zaman lafiya sosai kuma yawancin ma'aikatan da suka rage sun koma aiki.[34] File:Ovamboland flag.svg|thumb|Tutar Ovamboland, wanda aka ba da ikon cin gashin kai a matsayin mai cin gashin kansa a 1973. Afirka ta Kudu ta zargi SWAPO da tunzura yajin aikin da tashin hankali da ya biyo baya.[34] Yayin da yake amincewa cewa babban kaso na ma'aikatan da suka yi yajin aiki membobi ne da magoya bayan SWAPO, shugaban jam'iyyar mai rikon kwarya Nathaniel Maxuilili ya lura cewa gyara dokokin aikin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma ya kasance burin ma'aikatan Ovambo tun da daɗewa, kuma ya ba da shawarar cewa an shirya yajin aikin jim kaɗan bayan babban hukuncin ICJ saboda suna fatan cin gajiyar tallarsa don jawo hankali ga korafe-korafensu.[34] Yajin aikin ya kuma yi tasiri a siyasance a kan yawancin mutanen Ovambo, kamar yadda ma'aikatan da suka shiga daga baya suka koma fagen siyasa kuma suka shiga SWAPO.[34] Kimanin ma'aikatan da suka yi yajin aiki 20,000 ba su koma aiki ba amma sun gudu zuwa wasu ƙasashe, galibi Zambiya, inda aka ɗauki wasu a matsayin ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya ta Rundunar Sojojin ƴYancin Namibia.[21] Goyon bayan PLAN ya kuma ƙaru a tsakanin manoman Ovamboland na karkara, waɗanda galibi suna tausaya wa ma'aikatan da suka yi yajin aiki kuma suna jin haushin haɗin gwiwar shugabanninsu na gargajiya da ƴan sanda.[35]

Shekarar da ta biyo baya, Afirka ta Kudu ta ba da ikon cin gashin kai ga Babban Hafsan Fillemon Elifas Shuumbwa da majalisar dokokin Ovambo, inda ta ba Ovamboland wani nau'i mai iyaka na mulkin kai.[21] Yawan masu jefa ƙuri'a a zaɓen majalisar dokoki ya kasance ƙasa sosai, saboda wani ɓangare na rashin jin daɗi ga gwamnatin Ovamboland ta gida da kuma kauracewa zaɓen da SWAPO ta yi.[21]

Janyewar ƴan sanda

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]

Bayan karuwar sabbin sojoji dubbai da kuma ingantaccen kayan yaƙi masu nauyi, PLAN ta fara fuskantar jami'an tsaro kai tsaye a shekarar 1973.[32] Ayyukan ƴan tawaye sun ɗauki nau'i na kwanton bauna da kuma kai hare-hare kan zaɓaɓɓun wurare, musamman a Caprivi kusa da iyakar Zambia.[36] Da daren 26 ga Janairu 1973 wata ƙungiya mai ɗauke da manyan makamai ta ƴan tawayen PLAN kimanin 50 ta kai hari wani sansanin ƴan sanda a Singalamwe, Caprivi da turmi, bindigogin mashin, da kuma na'urar harba roka mai ɗauke da mutum guda.[29][37] ƴan sanda ba su da isasshen kayan yaƙi don fatattakar harin kuma sansanin ya kama wuta jim kaɗan saboda harbin rokoki na farko, wanda ya nakasa babban jami'in da mataimakinsa.[37] Wannan ya nuna farkon sabon mataki na Yaƙin Iyakar Afirka ta Kudu inda aka ƙara girman da tsananin hare-haren PLAN sosai.[19] A ƙarshen 1973, tashe-tashen hankula na PLAN sun mamaye yankuna shida: Caprivi, Ovamboland, Kaokoland, da Kavangoland.[19] Har ila yau, ta yi nasarar daukar wasu sabbin ƴan yaƙin gwagwarmaya 2,400 na Ovambo da 600 na Lozi.[29] Rahotannin PLAN daga ƙarshen 1973 sun nuna cewa masu tsattsauran ra'ayi sun shirya buɗe sabbin fannoni biyu a tsakiyar Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma da kuma aiwatar da ayyukan tashin hankali na birni a Windhoek, Walvis Bay, da sauran manyan cibiyoyin birane.[19]

Har zuwa 1973, an ɗauki Yaƙin Iyakar Afirka ta Kudu a matsayin lamarin tabbatar da doka maimakon rikici na soja, yana nuna yanayin da ke tsakanin ƙasashen Commonwealth masu magana da Ingilishi don ɗaukar ƴan sanda a matsayin babban ƙarfi a cikin murkushe tashin hankali.[23] ƴan sandan Afirka ta Kudu suna da ikon soja, kuma sun riga sun yi aiki a lokacin Yaƙin Bush na Rhodesian.[23] Koyaya, gazawar ƴan sanda wajen hana hauhawar yaƙin a Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma ya haifar da SADF ta ɗauki alhakin duk yaƙin yaƙi da tashin hankali a ranar 1 ga Afrilu 1974.[19] An janye na ƙarshe na rukunin ƴan sanda na Afirka ta Kudu daga iyakokin Afirka ta Kudu maso Yamma watanni uku bayan haka, a watan Yuni.[32] A wannan lokacin akwai kimanin ma'aikatan SADF 15,000 da aka tura don maye gurbinsu.[35] Kasafin kuɗin SADF ya karu kusan 150% tsakanin 1973 da 1974 daidai da haka.[35] A watan Agusta 1974, SADF ta share wani yanki mai faɗin kilomita biyar wanda ke gudana daidai da iyakar Angola kuma ana sintiri da lura da shi sosai don alamun kutsen PLAN.[35] Wannan zai zama sananne da "The Cutline".[38]

  1. 1 2 3 4 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Narrative
  2. ↑ Escandon, Joseph (2009). "Bush War: The Use of Surrogates in Southern Africa (1975–1989)" (PDF). Defense Technical Information Center. Archived (PDF) from the original on 10 November 2016. Retrieved 4 January 2015.
  3. ↑ Steenkamp, Willem (2006). "The Citizen Soldier in the Border War". Journal for Contemporary History. Bloemfontein: University of the Free State. 31 (3): 1.
  4. ↑ Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Rajagopal
  5. 1 2 3 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Louis
  6. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named First
  7. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Vandenbosch, Amry (1970). South Africa and the World: The Foreign Policy of Apartheid. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. pp. 207–224. ISBN 978-0-8131-6494-6.
  8. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Crawford, Neta (2002). Argument and Change in World Politics: Ethics, Decolonization, and Humanitarian Intervention. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 333–336. ISBN 978-0-521-00279-0.
  9. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 Müller, Johann Alexander (2012). The Inevitable Pipeline into Exile. Botswana's Role in the Namibian Liberation Struggle. Basel, Switzerland: Basler Afrika Bibliographien Namibia Resource Center and Southern Africa Library. pp. 36–41. ISBN 978-3-905758-29-0.
  10. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Dobell
  11. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 Williams, Christian (October 2015). National Liberation in Postcolonial Southern Africa: A Historical Ethnography of SWAPO's Exile Camps. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. pp. 73–89. ISBN 978-1-107-09934-0.
  12. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 Kangumu, Bennett (2011). Contesting Caprivi: A History of Colonial Isolation and Regional Nationalism in Namibia. Basel: Basler Afrika Bibliographien Namibia Resource Center and Southern Africa Library. pp. 143–153. ISBN 978-3-905758-22-1.
  13. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Berridge, G.R. (1992). South Africa, the Colonial Powers and African Defence: The Rise and Fall of the White Entente, 1948–60. Basingstoke: Palgrave Books. pp. 1–16, 163–164. ISBN 978-0-333-56351-9.
  14. 1 2 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Lulat
  15. 1 2 Campbell, Kurt (1986). Soviet Policy Towards South Africa. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 129–131. ISBN 978-1-349-08167-7.
  16. ↑ Magyar, Karl; Danopoulos, Constantine (2002) [1994]. Prolonged Wars: A Post Nuclear Challenge. Honolulu: University Press of the Pacific. pp. 260–271. ISBN 978-0-89875-834-4.
  17. 1 2 3 4 Shultz, Richard (1988). Soviet Union and Revolutionary Warfare: Principles, Practices, and Regional Comparisons. Stanford, California: Hoover Institution Press. pp. 121–123, 140–145. ISBN 978-0-8179-8711-4.
  18. ↑ Bertram, Christoph (1980). Prospects of Soviet Power in the 1980s. Basingstoke: Palgrave Books. pp. 51–54. ISBN 978-1-349-05259-2.
  19. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Lord, Dick (2012). From Fledgling to Eagle: The South African Air Force during the Border War. Solihull: Helion & Company. pp. 42–53. ISBN 978-1-908916-62-4.
  20. ↑ Namakalu, Oswin Onesmus (2004). Armed Liberation Struggle: Some Accounts of PLAN's Combat Operations. Windhoek: Gamsberg Macmillan. ISBN 978-99916-0-505-0.
  21. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 23 24 25 Herbstein, Denis; Evenson, John (1989). The Devils Are Among Us: The War for Namibia. London: Zed Books Ltd. pp. 14–23. ISBN 978-0-86232-896-2.
  22. 1 2 Adede, A.O. (1996). Muller, A. Sam; Raič, David; Thuránszky, J.M. (eds.). The International Court of Justice: Its Future Role After Fifty Years. The Hague: Kluwer Law International (Martinus Nijhoff Publishers). pp. 50–54. ISBN 978-90-411-0325-3.
  23. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Dale
  24. 1 2 3 4 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Cann
  25. 1 2 3 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Stapleton2
  26. 1 2 3 Potgieter, Thean; Liebenberg, Ian (2012). Reflections on War: Preparedness and Consequences. Stellenbosch: Sun Media Press. pp. 70–81. ISBN 978-1-920338-85-5.
  27. 1 2 Cite error: Invalid <ref> tag; no text was provided for refs named Weigert
  28. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Yusuf, Abdulqawi (1994). African Yearbook of International Law, Volume I. The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 16–34. ISBN 0-7923-2718-7.
  29. 1 2 3 4 5 6 Peter, Abbott; Helmoed-Romer Heitman; Paul Hannon (1991). Modern African Wars (3): South-West Africa. Osprey Publishing. pp. 5–13. ISBN 978-1-85532-122-9.[permanent dead link]
  30. 1 2 "Namibia Mine Ban Policy". Geneva: International Campaign to Ban Landmines and the Cluster Munition Coalition (ICBL-CMC). 1999. Archived from the original on 16 July 2017. Retrieved 15 July 2017.
  31. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Camp, Steve; Helmoed-Römer, Heitman (November 2014). Surviving the Ride: A pictorial history of South African Manufactured Mine-Protected vehicles. Pinetown: 30 Degrees South. pp. 19–22. ISBN 978-1928211-17-4.
  32. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Vines, Alex (1997). Still Killing: Landmines in Southern Africa. New York: Human Rights Watch. pp. 104–115. ISBN 978-1-56432-206-7.
  33. 1 2 3 4 5 Kaela, Laurent (1996). The Question of Namibia. Basingstoke: Palgrave-Macmillan. pp. 73–76. ISBN 978-0-312-15991-7.
  34. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 Katjavivi, Peter (1990). A History of Resistance in Namibia. Trenton, New Jersey: Africa World Press. pp. 65–70. ISBN 978-0-86543-144-7.
  35. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 Dreyer, Ronald (1994). Namibia and Southern Africa: Regional Dynamics of Decolonization, 1945–90. London: Kegan Paul International. pp. 73–87, 100–116. ISBN 978-0-7103-0471-1.
  36. ↑ Els, Paul (2007). Ongulumbashe: Where the Bushwar Began. Wandsbeck, Westville, KwaZulu-Natal: Reach Publishers. p. 172. ISBN 978-1-920084-81-3.
  37. 1 2 Dippenaar, Maris de Witt (1988). Die Geskiedenis Van Die Suid-Afrikaanse Polisie 1913–1988. Silverton: Promedia Publications (Pty) Ltd. p. 452. ISBN 978-0-8122-1620-2.
  38. ↑ Holt, Clive (2008) [2005]. At Thy Call We Did Not Falter. Cape Town: Zebra Press. p. 139. ISBN 978-1-77007-117-9.
Daga "https://ha.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Yakin_Iyaka_na_Afirka_ta_Kudu&oldid=742097"