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'Yancin jama'a a Burtaniya

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'Yancin jama'a a Burtaniya
area of law in the United Kingdom (en) Fassara

'Yancin jama'a a Burtaniya wani ɓangare ne na dokar tsarin mulkin Burtaniya kuma suna da dogon tarihi mai inganci. Ana ɗaukar wannan yawanci da ya fara da Magna Carta na 1215, takarda mai mahimmanci a tarihin tsarin mulkin Birtaniyya . [1] Haɓaka ' yancin ɗan adam ya ci gaba a cikin dokar gama-gari da ka'ida a cikin ƙarni na 17 da 18, musamman tare da Bill of Rights 1689 . [2] A cikin karni na 19, mutane masu aiki sun yi kokawa don samun 'yancin kada kuri'a da shiga kungiyoyin kwadago. Majalisa ta amsa da sabuwar doka da ta fara da Dokar Gyara ta 1832 . Halayen zaɓe da 'yanci sun ci gaba da ci gaba bayan yakin duniya na farko da na biyu. Tun daga wannan lokacin, dangantakar Burtaniya da 'yancin ɗan Adam ta shiga tsakani ta hanyar kasancewarta a cikin Yarjejeniyar Turai kan 'Yancin Bil'adama . Ƙasar Ingila, ta hannun Sir David Maxwell-Fyfe, ta jagoranci tsara Yarjejeniyar, wanda ke bayyana ka'idar 'yanci na gargajiya. [3] Ya zama mai aiki kai tsaye a cikin dokar Burtaniya tare da aiwatar da Dokar Haƙƙin Dan Adam ta 1998 .

'Yancin jama'a na raguwa sannu a hankali a cikin Burtaniya tun daga ƙarshen karni na 20. An tabbatar da cire su gabaɗaya ta hanyar roƙon kare lafiyar jama'a da Tsaron ƙasa da rikice-rikice kamar harin 11 ga Satumba, harin bam na 7/7 da cutar ta COVID-19 na 2020.[4][5][6]Barkewar cutar ta lura da gabatarwar Dokar Coronavirus 2020, wanda tsohon Alkalin Kotun Koli Ubangiji Sumption ya bayyana a matsayin "mafi girman mamayewa na 'yancin kai a tarihin [Birtaniya]."

Dangantaka tsakanin 'yancin ɗan adam da 'yancin ɗan adam ana yawan kallon su azaman bangarori biyu na tsabar kuɗi ɗaya. Haƙƙi wani abu ne da za ku iya nema a wurin wani, yayin da 'yanci shine 'yanci daga tsoma baki daga wani a cikin haƙƙoƙin da kuke zato. Duk da haka, haƙƙin ɗan adam sun fi girma. A cikin takardu masu yawa a duniya, sun ƙunshi ƙarin tabbaci na ɗabi'a akan abin da ya wajaba, alal misali, don "rayuwa, yanci da neman farin ciki", "don haɓaka halayen mutum ga cikakkiyar damar" ko "kare mutuncin da ba za a iya tauyewa ba" . "'Yancin jama'a" tabbas hakan ne, amma suna da alaƙa da shiga cikin rayuwar jama'a . Kamar yadda Farfesa Conor Gearty ya rubuta,

'Yancin jama'a wani suna ne na 'yancin siyasa wanda dole ne mu samu duka idan har gaskiya ne a ce game da mu muna rayuwa a cikin al'ummar da ke bin ka'idar wakilci, ko dimokuradiyya, gwamnati. [7]

Ma'ana, 'yancin ɗan adam shine "yancin" ko "'yanci" waɗanda suke ƙulla dimokuradiyya. Wannan yawanci yana nufin 'yancin jefa ƙuri'a, 'yancin rayuwa, haramcin azabtarwa, tsaron lafiyar mutum, 'yancin walwala da tsarin shari'a, 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki da 'yancin yin tarayya . [8]

  • Dokar 'Yan Sanda da Shaidar Laifuka ta 1984, ta ba da izinin tsare kwanaki hudu ba tare da shari'a ba (a baya sa'o'i 24 ne).
  • CCSU v Minister for Civil Service [1985] AC 374, inda Margaret Thatcher (kuma ministar ma'aikatan farar hula) ta haramtawa membobin GCHQ shiga cikin ƙungiyoyi. House of Lords sun yi imanin cewa ikon sarauta yana ƙarƙashin sake dubawa na shari'a. Haramcin kungiyoyin ya kasance bisa ga shawarar Ministan.
  • Kwamishinan 'yan sanda na Malone v Metropolitan [1979] Ch 344, Megarry VC ya ce zartarwa na iya yin duk wani abu da doka ba ta hana ba (da nufin juyawa Entick v Carrington ). Wannan yana nufin cewa ba za a iya gurfanar da dillalan kayan gargajiyar dodgy don sarrafa kayan da aka sata ba bisa ga shaidar da aka samu daga bututun waya cewa 'yan sanda ba su da ikon yin duk wata doka.
  • Malone v United Kingdom (1984) 7 EHRR 14, ya ce Burtaniya barin latsa wayar ya saba wa wajibcinta a karkashin ECHR, saboda babu wata doka da ta nuna 'karara mai ma'ana da iyawa da kuma yadda ake aiwatar da abin da ya dace. An ba da shi ga hukumomin jama'a." [9]
  • Dokar Kiwon Lafiyar Jama'a (Control of Disease) Dokar 1984 ta baiwa gwamnati damar sanya hani ko buƙatu akan daidaikun mutane a cikin lamarin lafiyar lafiyar jama'a. An yi amfani da wannan dokar don tabbatar da martanin gwamnati game da cutar ta COVID-19 ta 2020.
  • Interception of Communications Act 1985, da gwamnati ta mayar da martani ga hukuncin, ƙyale kowane waya tapping.
  • Dokar Dokar Jama'a ta 1986, ta wuce a cikin mahallin rikice-rikice na masana'antu, musamman ma masu hakar ma'adinai, Sashe na II iyakacin jerin gwanon jama'a da zanga-zangar ta hanyar buƙatar 6 kwanaki gaba da sanarwar da za a ba wa 'yan sanda.

Manazarta

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  1. ↑ Brysk, edited by Alison; Shafir, Gershon (2007). National Insecurity and Human Rights: Democracies Debate Counterterrorism. University of California Press. p. 76. ISBN 9780520098602.CS1 maint: extra text: authors list (link)
  2. ↑ "Britain's unwritten constitution". British Library. Archived from the original on 8 December 2015. Retrieved 27 November 2015. The key landmark is the Bill of Rights (1689), which established the supremacy of Parliament over the Crown.... The Bill of Rights (1689) then settled the primacy of Parliament over the monarch's prerogatives, providing for the regular meeting of Parliament, free elections to the Commons, free speech in parliamentary debates, and some basic human rights, most famously freedom from 'cruel or unusual punishment'.
  3. ↑ see e.g. the Praemble to the Convention, which states the Convention is there to secure "effective political democracy".
  4. ↑ "Terrorism Act 2006". Retrieved 2020-02-07.
  5. ↑ "Civil Contingencies Act 2004". Retrieved 2020-02-07.
  6. ↑ Nia, Gissou (April 2020). "Like after 9/11, governments could use coronavirus to permanently roll back our civil liberties". Independent. Retrieved 2020-02-07.
  7. ↑ Conor Gearty, Civil Liberties (2007) Clarendon Law Series, Oxford University Press, p.1
  8. ↑ Care should be taken with such definitions. Much more "underpins" democracy than civil and political rights. Capacity for public participation goes into the social and economic: see, e.g. Jeremy Waldron, 'Social Citizenship and the Defence of Welfare Provision' (1993) in Liberal Rights: Collected papers 1981-91, Cambridge University Press, Ch.12; Also, the language of rights, liberties, freedoms, etc, etc, is inherently vague and the divisions between different rights in various documents are inevitably meaningless (e.g. is the right to liberty different from a fair trial, and does it matter?), and simply express country's cultural and historical preferences. At the core all these things come down to the mediation of relations between people, whether for power or resources or between individuals or the state. See, e.g. Alan Gewirth, Human Rights: Essays on Justification and Applications (1982); he puts forth the formula that any right can be put in the form of X claiming right Y against Z
  9. ↑ (1984) 7 EHRR 14, 79

Hanyoyin haɗi na waje

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Dokar Kare Hakkokin Dan Adam 1998
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