Jump to content

Yanci

Daga Wikipedia, Insakulofidiya ta kyauta.

Ana fahimtar yanci: A matsayin ko dai yana da ikon yin aiki ko canzawa ba tare da takura ba, ko kuma mallaki iko da albarkatun don cika manufofin mutum ba tare da cikas ba, Ana danganta ’yanci da ‘yanci da cin gashin kai a ma’anar “bawa kanshi dokokinsu”, da kuma samun hakki da ‘yancin walwalar jama’a da za su yi amfani da su ba tare da tsangwama daga gwamnati ba. Ire-iren 'yancin siyasa da ake yawan magana akai sun haɗa da 'yancin taro, 'yancin yin tarayya, 'yancin zaɓe, da 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki.

A wata ma'anar, wani abu yana "kyauta" idan yana iya canzawa cikin sauƙi kuma ba a takura ba a halin yanzu. A falsafa da addini, 'yanci a wasu lokuta ana danganta shi da 'yancin zaɓe, ba tare da hani ba ko rashin adalci a kan hakan, kamar bautar . Ra'ayi ne da ke da alaƙa da manufar 'yanci mara kyau.

Charles Taylor ya warware daya daga cikin batutuwan da suka raba ra'ayoyin ''tabbatacce'' da ''marasa kyau'' 'yanci, kamar yadda aka fara bambanta wadannan a cikin makalar ta Ishaya Berlin, "Ma'anonin 'yanci guda biyu". Taylor yana ganin ba za a iya musantawa ba cewa akwai iyalai guda biyu na tunanin 'yancin siyasa. 'Yanci mara kyau ra'ayi ne wanda galibi ana amfani dashi a falsafar siyasa. Ra'ayin cewa 'yanci yana nufin ikon yin abin da mutum yake so, ba tare da cikas na waje ba. An kira wannan ra'ayi mai sauƙi don rage mahimmancin fahimtar kansa. Kyakkyawan 'yanci shine ikon cika manufofin mutum. [1] [2]

'Yanci Hudu, jerin zane-zane na 1943 da Norman Rockwell ya yi na girmama ' Yanci Hudu na Franklin D. Roosevelt, yana nufin bayyana 'yancin da ƙasashe ƙawance suka yi yaƙi dominsa a yakin duniya na biyu.

A cikin jawaban siyasa, ‘yancin siyasa, yana da alaƙa da ’yanci da cin gashin kai ta ma’anar “ba wa kan su dokokin kansu”, da kuma samun haƙƙi da yancin ɗan adam da za su yi amfani da su ba tare da tsangwama daga gwamnati ba. Ire-iren 'yancin siyasa da ake yawan magana akai sun haɗa da 'yancin taro, 'yancin yin tarayya, 'yancin zaɓe, da 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki .

A wasu lokutan, musamman idan tattaunawa ta kama ga ƴancin siyasa, ana amfani da kalmomin “yanci” da “yanci”. [3] [4]

A wani wuri kuma, ana lura da bambance-bambance a tsakanin 'yanci da 'yanci. [5] John Stuart Mill ya bambanta 'yanci daga 'yanci a cikin wannan 'yancin shine da farko, idan ba na musamman ba, ikon yin yadda mutum ya so da kuma abin da mutum ke da ikon yi, yayin da 'yanci ya shafi rashin kamun kai da kuma la'akari da haƙƙin duk wanda ke da hannu. . Don haka, yin amfani da 'yanci yana ƙarƙashin iyawa kuma yana iyakance ta haƙƙin wasu.  

Wendy Hui Kyong Chun ta yi bayanin bambance-bambancen da suka shafi alakar su da cibiyoyi:


"Liberty is linked to human subjectivity; freedom is not. The Declaration of Independence, for example, describes men as having liberty and the nation as being free. Free will—the quality of being free from the control of fate or necessity—may first have been attributed to human will, but Newtonian physics attributes freedom—degrees of freedom, free bodies—to objects."[6]

"Freedom differs from liberty as control differs from discipline. Liberty, like discipline, is linked to institutions and political parties, whether liberal or libertarian; freedom is not. Although freedom can work for or against institutions, it is not bound to them—it travels through unofficial networks. To have liberty is to be liberated from something; to be free is to be self-determining, autonomous. Freedom can or cannot exist within a state of liberty: one can be liberated yet unfree, or free yet enslaved (Orlando Patterson has argued in Freedom: Freedom in the Making of Western Culture that freedom arose from the yearnings of slaves)."[6]

OWani bambance-bambancen da wasu masu ra'ayin siyasa suka ga yana da mahimmanci shine mutane na iya yin burin samun 'yanci daga iyakancewa (kamar 'yanci daga tsoro, 'yanci daga bukata, da 'yanci daga wariya ), amma bayanin 'yanci da 'yanci gabaɗaya baya kiran samun 'yanci daga komai. [4] Akasin haka, manufar 'yanci mara kyau tana nufin 'yancin da mutum zai iya tauye haƙƙin wasu. [4]

  1. Charles Taylor, “What’s Wrong With Negative Liberty,” in Philosophy and the Human Sciences: Philosophical Papers, vol. 2 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 211–29.
  2. Berlin, Isaiah. Four Essays on Liberty. 1969.
  3. See Bertrand Badie, Dirk Berg-Schlosser, Leonardo Morlino, International Encyclopedia of Political Science (2011), p. 1447: "Throughout this entry, incidentally, the terms freedom and liberty are used interchangeably".
  4. 4.0 4.1 4.2 Anna Wierzbicka, Understanding Cultures Through Their Key Words (1997), p. 130-31: "Unfortunately... the English words freedom and liberty are used interchangeably. This is confusing because these two do not mean the same, and in fact what [Isaiah] Berlin calls "the notion of 'negative' freedom" has become largely incorporated in the word freedom, whereas the word liberty in its earlier meaning was much closer to the Latin libertas and in its current meaning reflects a different concept, which is a product of the Anglo-Saxon culture".
  5. Wendy Hui Kyong Chun, Control and Freedom: Power and Paranoia in the Age of Fiber Optics (2008), p. 9: "Although used interchangeably, freedom and liberty have significantly different etymologies and histories. According to the Oxford English Dictionary, the Old English frei (derived from Sanskrit) meant dear and described all those close or related to the head of the family (hence friends). Conversely in Latin, libertas denoted the legal state of freedom versus enslavement and was later extended to children (liberi), meaning literally the free members of the household. Those who are one's friends are free; those who are not are slaves".
  6. 6.0 6.1 Wendy Hui Kyong Chun, Control and Freedom: Power and Paranoia in the Age of Fiber Optics (2008), p. 9.

Hanyoyin haɗin waje

[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]
  • "Yanci", Tattaunawar BBC Radio 4 tare da John Keane, Bernard Williams & Annabel Brett ( A Lokacin Mu, 4 Yuli 2002)