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Buɗe jama'a

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Buɗe jama'a
political ideology (en) Fassara
Bayanai
Ƙaramin ɓangare na Al'umma
Significant person (en) Fassara Karl Popper (en) Fassara
Influenced by (en) Fassara Liberalism
Mai ganowa ko mai ƙirƙira Henri Bergson (mul) Fassara
Hannun riga da closed society (en) Fassara
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Bude jama'a ( French: société ouverte ) kalma ce da masanin falsafa ɗan ƙasar Faransa Henri Bergson ya ƙirƙira a cikin shekarata 1932, [1] [2] kuma ya bayyana wani tsari mai ƙarfi wanda ya karkata zuwa ga ɗabi'a na duniya . [3] Bergson ya bambanta al'umma mai buɗe ido da abin da ya kira rufaffiyar al'umma, rufaffiyar tsarin doka, ɗabi'a ko addini. Yana tsaye, kamar rufaffen hankali . [3] Bergson ya ba da shawarar cewa idan duk alamun wayewa za su ɓace, illolin rufaffiyar al'umma don haɗawa ko ware wasu za su kasance. [4]

Tunanin bude al'umma ya kara bunkasa a lokacin yakin duniya na biyu da wani masanin falsafa dan kasar Birtaniya Karl Popper haifaffen Austriya. [5] [6] Popper ya gan shi a matsayin wani ɓangare na ci gaba na tarihi da ke zuwa daga kwayoyin halitta, kabilanci, sannan ko rufaffiyar al'umma, ta hanyar bude al'umma (alama ta hanyar halayen halayen al'ada) zuwa ga al'ummar da ba ta dace ba ko kuma ta rasa duk wani hulɗar hulɗar fuska da fuska . [7]

Tarihi.

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Popper ya ga Hellenawa na gargajiya suna fara jinkirin sauyi daga kabilanci zuwa ga jama'a masu fa'ida, kuma a karon farko suna fuskantar matsalolin da 'yan uwantaka da ke tattare da ita. [8]

Ganin cewa al'ummomin kabilanci da na gama gari ba sa banbance tsakanin dokokin dabi'a da al'adar zamantakewa, ta yadda da wuya daidaikun mutane su kalubalanci al'adun da suka yi imani da cewa suna da tushe mai tsarki ko na sihiri, to amma Kuma farkon budaddiyar al'umma ana nuna bambanci tsakanin dabi'a da na mutum. doka, da karuwa a cikin alhakin kai da kuma lissafin zaɓen ɗabi'a (bai dace da imani na addini ba). [9]

Popper ya bayar da hujjar cewa ba za a iya murƙushe ra'ayoyin ɗaiɗaiku, zargi, da jin kai ba da zarar mutane sun san su, sabili da haka ba shi yiwuwa a koma cikin rufaffiyar al'umma, [10] amma a lokaci guda sun gane ci gaba da ja-in-ja. abin da ya kira "ruhun ruhin ruhin kabilanci", kamar yadda ya bayyana alal misali a cikin mulkin kama -karya na karni na 20. [11]

Duk da yake lokacin tun lokacin da binciken Popper ya kasance babu shakka an nuna shi ta hanyar yaduwar jama'a, ana iya danganta wannan ga ƙarancin shawarwarin Popper da ƙari ga rawar ci gaban tattalin arziki na ƙarshen zamani . [12] Ƙungiyoyin masana'antu na tushen ci gaba suna buƙatar karatu, rashin sanin suna da motsin zamantakewa daga membobinsu [13] - abubuwan da ba su dace da ɗabi'a na tushen al'ada ba amma suna buƙatar ci gaba da yaɗuwar dangantakar zamantakewar Georg Simmel da ya gani a matsayin ma'anar ma'anar tunani na manyan birni. [14]

Ma'anarsa.

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Karl Popper ya ayyana budaddiyar al'umma a matsayin "wanda mutum ke fuskantar yanke shawara na kansa" sabanin " al'ummar sihiri ko kabilanci ko na gama gari." [15]

Ya yi la’akari da cewa dimokuradiyya ce kadai ke samar da hanyar da hukumomi za su bi domin kawo sauyi da sauya shugabanci ba tare da bukatar zubar da jini, juyin juya hali ko juyin mulki ba. [16]

Masu ba da shawara na zamani  na jama'a na fili suna ba da shawarar cewa al'umma ba za ta ɓoye wani sirri daga kanta a cikin jama'a ba, kamar yadda kowa ya amince da sanin kowa. To Amman 'Yancin siyasa da 'yancin ɗan adam ana da'awar su ne ginshiƙin buɗe al'umma.  ]

Ilimi mai mahimmanci

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Ma'anar Popper game da jama'a na buɗaɗɗen al'umma shine ilimin ilmantarwa maimakon siyasa. [17] Lokacin da Popper ya rubuta The Open Society and Its Enies, ya yi imani cewa ilimin zamantakewa ya kasa fahimtar mahimmanci da yanayin farkisanci da kwaminisanci saboda waɗannan ilimomin sun dogara ne akan abin da ya gani kuskure ne. [18] Kame-kame ya tilasta ilimi ya zama siyasa wanda ya sa tunani mai zurfi ba zai yiwu ba kuma ya kai ga lalata ilimi a kasashe masu ra'ayin kama-karya. [18]

Ka'idar Popper na cewa ilimi na ɗan lokaci ne kuma mai kuskure yana nuna cewa dole ne al'umma ta kasance a buɗe ga madadin ra'ayi. Budaddiyar al'umma tana da alaƙa da yawan al'adu da addini ; a koyaushe yana buɗe don ingantawa saboda ilimi ba ya ƙarewa amma koyaushe yana ci gaba: "idan muna son zama ɗan adam, to amman akwai hanya ɗaya kawai, hanyar shiga cikin al'umma mai buɗewa ... zuwa ga wanda ba a sani ba, rashin tabbas da rashin tsaro". [19]

A cikin rufaffiyar al'umma, da'awar wasu ilimi da gaskiya na ƙarshe suna haifar da ƙoƙarin shigar da sigar gaskiya ɗaya. Irin wannan al'umma a rufe take ga 'yancin tunani. Sabanin haka, a cikin al'umma mai buɗewa kowane ɗan ƙasa yana buƙatar shiga cikin tunani mai mahimmanci, wanda ke buƙatar 'yancin tunani da faɗar albarkatu da cibiyoyin al'adu da shari'a waɗanda za su iya sauƙaƙe wannan. [17]

Ƙarin halaye.

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Humanitarianism, daidaito da kuma 'yancin siyasa su ne ainihin asali halaye na bude al'umma. Pericles, ɗan jam'iyyar dimokuradiyyar Athens, ya gane wannan a cikin jawabinsa na jana'izar: "ci gaba a rayuwar jama'a ya zama suna don iya aiki, ba a yarda da la'akari da matsayi don tsoma baki tare da cancanta ba; kuma talauci ba ya sake hana hanya, idan mutum yana iya yi wa kasa hidima, ba ya hana shi da duhun yanayin da yake ciki. Sannan ‘Yancin da muke samu a gwamnatinmu ya kai ga rayuwarmu ta yau da kullun.” [20]

Babu shakka duk da haka shi ne tashin hankali tsakanin al'ummar gargajiya da kuma sabon, ƙarin sarari na sararin samaniyar da ke fitowa wanda ya fi dacewa da Athens na gargajiya, [21] kuma Popper ya kasance da masaniya game da ci gaba da roƙon abin da ya kira "holism ... kewa ga rasa haɗin kai na rayuwar kabilanci" [22] zuwa duniyar zamani da ya zo.

Caveats

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Mai saka hannun jari kuma mai ba da agaji George Soros, mabiyin Karl Popper da ya bayyana kansa, [23] ya yi iƙirarin cewa ƙwaƙƙwaran amfani da dabaru masu ƙarfi na yaudarar yaudara da aka aro daga tallan zamani da kimiyyar fahimi ta ’yan siyasa masu ra’ayin mazan jiya irin su Frank Luntz da Karl Rove suna jefa shakku kan Popper. ra'ayi na bude jama'a. [24] Domin ana iya yin amfani da fahimtar al’umma cikin sauƙaƙan fahimtar gaskiya, ba lallai ba ne zance na siyasa na dimokraɗiyya ya kai ga fahimtar gaskiya. [24] Soros yayi jayayya cewa baya ga buƙatar rabuwa da iko, 'yancin faɗar albarkacin baki, da zaɓe na 'yanci, ƙaddamar da ƙaddamarwa na neman gaskiya yana da mahimmanci. [24] 'Yan siyasa za su mutunta gaskiya, maimakon yin magudin zabe kawai idan jama'a sun damu da gaskiya kuma su hukunta 'yan siyasa idan ta kama su da yaudara da gangan." [24]

Duk da haka, Popper bai bayyana buɗaɗɗen al'umma ba ko dai tare da dimokuradiyya ko tare da jari-hujja ko kuma tattalin arziki na laissez-faire, amma tare da mahimmancin tunani a kan wani ɓangare na mutum, ta fuskar ƙungiyoyin jama'a suna tunanin kowane irin. [25] Wani muhimmin al'amari a cikin tunanin Popper shine ra'ayin cewa gaskiya za a iya rasa. Hali mai mahimmanci ba yana nufin an sami gaskiya bane.

Duba wasu abubuwan.

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Manazarta.

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  1. ↑ • Henri Bergson ([1932] 1937). Les Deux Sources de la morale et de la religion, ch. I, pp. 1–103 and ch. IV, pp. 287–343. Félix Alcan.
    • Translated as ([1935] 1977), The Two Sources of Morality and Religion Internet Archive (left or right arrow buttons select succeeding pages), pp. 18–27, 45–65, 229–34., trs., R. A. Audra and C. Brereton, with assistance of W. H. Carter. Macmillan press, Notre Dame.
  2. ↑ Leszek Kołakowski, Modernity on Endless Trial (1997), p. 162
  3. ↑ 3.0 3.1 Thomas Mautner (2005), 2nd ed. The Penguin Dictionary of Philosophy ["Open society" entry], p. 443.
  4. ↑ Henri Bergson, The Two Sources of Morality and Religion, Macmillan, 1935, pp. 20–21.
  5. ↑ K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, 2 vols. ([1945] 1966), 5th ed.
  6. ↑ A. N. Wilson, Our Times (2008), pp. 17–18
  7. ↑ K. R. Popper, The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume One' (1945), 1 and 174–75.
  8. ↑ K. R. Popper, 1945:175–6
  9. ↑ Popper, K., The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume One (Routledge, 1945, reprint 2006), chapter 5, part III.
  10. ↑ Popper, K., The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume One (Routledge, 1945, reprint 2006), chapter 10, part VIII.
  11. ↑ K. R. Popper, 1945:199–200
  12. ↑ Wilson, p. 403
  13. ↑ Ernest Gellner, Nationalism (1997), pp. 25–9
  14. ↑ M. Hardt/K. Weeks, The Jameson Reader (2000), pp. 260–6
  15. ↑ Popper, K., The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume One (Routledge, 1945, reprint 2006), chapter 10, part I.
  16. ↑ K. R. Popper, 1945:4
  17. ↑ 17.0 17.1 Soros, George, "The Age of Fallibility," Public Affairs (2006).
  18. ↑ 18.0 18.1 Popper, K., The Open Society and Its Enemies, Volume Two (Routledge, 1945, reprint 2006), chapters 23 and 24.
  19. ↑ K. R. Popper, 1945:201
  20. ↑ Thucydides, The History of the Peloponnesian War, Book II: Pericles' Funeral Oration Archived 2015-10-22 at the Wayback Machine.
  21. ↑ J. Boardman et al., The Oxford History of the Classical World (1991), p. 232
  22. ↑ K. R. Popper, 1945:80
  23. ↑ Soros, George, Soros on Soros (John Wiley and Sons, 1995), page 33.
  24. ↑ 24.0 24.1 24.2 24.3 Soros, George, "From Karl Popper to Karl Rove - and Back", Project Syndicate (November 8, 2007).
  25. ↑ I. C. Jarvie et al. eds., Popper's Open Society after fifty years (1999), pp. 43–6

Ci gaba da karatu

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  • RB Levinson, A Tsaron Plato (1953)
  • Liberalism a matsayin barazana ga bude jama'a: Charles Arthur Willard . Liberalism da Matsalolin Ilimi: Sabuwar Magana don Dimokuradiyya na Zamani, Jami'ar Chicago Press, 1996.

Hanyoyin haɗi na waje

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