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Tikitin Musulmi-Musulmi

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Tikitin Musulmi-Musulmi

Tikitin musulmi – musulmi, kalma ce da ake amfani da ita wajen bayyana tsarin siyasar Najeriya inda ‘yan takarar shugaban kasa da na mataimakin shugaban kasa na babbar jam’iyya musulmai ne. Irin wannan tikitin siyasa wani lamari ne mai ban mamaki da kuma cece-ku-ce a siyasar Najeriya, kasar da ke da kusan daidaikun al'ummar musulmi da kiristoci, sannan kuma tarihin rikice-rikicen kabilanci da addini . Wasu dai na kallon tikitin musulmi da musulmi a matsayin barazana ga zaman lafiyar kasar, wasu kuma a matsayin wani yunkuri na ci gaba da ya wuce ra'ayin addini da mayar da hankali kan cancanta da cancanta.

Najeriya ta rabu kusan tsakanin yankunan arewacin kasar da galibinsu musulmi ne da kuma yankunan kudancin kasar Kirista . Rikicin da ya taso daga wannan rarrabuwar kawuna ya sa jam'iyyun siyasa a wasu lokuta daukar tikitin tsayawa takara na musulmi da musulmi a matsayin wani shiri mai mahimmanci a muhimman zabuka, wanda galibi ke haifar da cece-kuce. Sakamakon irin wadannan zabubbukan yakan haifar da sakamako mai nisa ga Najeriya, domin ana ganin cewa ko dai yana karfafa ikon musulmi ne ko kuma ya samar da hadin kai. Tunanin tikitin tikitin musulmi da musulmi na ci gaba da samun nazari a cikin maganganun siyasa.

Tarihi

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Manufar tikitin tikitin musulmi da musulmi yana da tushe na tarihi a siyasar Najeriya, mai hade da sarkakiyar tarihin zamantakewa da siyasar al'ummar kasar da kuma yadda ake gudanar da harkokin addini da na yanki. Tafarkin Nijeriya ya samo asali ne tun lokacin mulkin mallaka, wanda aka yi wa dunkulewar Turawan Arewa da Kudanci a shekarar 1914, wanda ya hada yankunan da ke da mabiya addinai daban-daban da kuma kafa hanyar tattaunawa ta siyasa a nan gaba. [1] [2]

Bayan samun ‘yancin kai a shekarar 1960, Najeriya ta fuskanci tabarbarewar siyasa, juyin mulkin soja, da rikicin kabilanci, wanda ya kai ga yakin basasar Najeriya daga 1967 zuwa 1970. Jamhuriya ta farko ta Najeriya, daga 1963 zuwa 1966, ta ga fitowar tikitin tsayawa takarar musulmi da musulmi a matsayin dabarar siyasa, musamman a lokacin zaben 1964 a yankin Yamma. Wannan lokaci na rigingimun siyasa ya nuna irin tasirin da addini da yanki ke da shi a siyasar Najeriya. [3] [4]

Komawa mulkin farar hula a shekarar 1979 ya kawo sabon salo a fagen siyasa, inda aka gudanar da zabuka da dama da ke nuna tikitin musulmi da musulmi, wanda ya haifar da muhawara kan hadin kan kasa da wakilci. Zaben shugaban kasa na shekarar 1979, jam’iyyar NPN ta tsayar da Shehu Shagari, Musulmi daga Arewa, tare da Alex Ekwueme, Kirista daga Kudu, a matsayin abokin takararsa, wanda ke nuni da tattaunawar da ake yi kan daidaiton addini da na yanki a siyasance. [5]

Zaben shugaban kasa na 1993 ya zama wani muhimmin lamari, inda Moshood Abiola, Musulmi daga Kudu maso Yamma, da abokin takararsa, Baba Gana Kingibe, shi ma Musulmi ne suka lashe zaben, wanda daga baya aka soke, wanda ya haifar da tarzoma ta siyasa. Zaben 2023, tare da Bola Tinubu da Kashim Shettima, dukkansu Musulmi, sun yi nasara a cikin cece-kuce, ya kara jaddada muhawarar da ake ci gaba da yi kan wakilcin addini a siyasar Najeriya. [6] [7]

Tsawon shekaru, tikitin tikitin musulmi da musulmi ya kasance wani batu mai cike da cece-ku-ce, inda muhawarar ta mayar da hankali kan karfin shugabancin ’yan takarar tare da tasirin da zai iya haifar da jituwar addini da kuma bangarori daban-daban na zamantakewa da siyasar kasar. [8] [9]

Rigingimu da abubuwan da suke haifarwa

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Amincewa da tikitin takarar Musulmi da Musulmi a siyasar Najeriya ya haifar da cece-kuce tare da haifar da gagarumin tasiri ga yanayin zamantakewa da siyasar kasar. [10] Wannan ɗabi'a mai cike da cece-kuce sau da yawa tana tafe ne a kan ma'auni mai kyau na wakilcin addini, sauye-sauyen yanki, da yunƙurin siyasa, yana haifar da muhawara da damuwa. [11] Rigima ɗaya mai tsayi tana samo asali ne daga rigingimun addini da fahimtar son zuciya. Masu sukar suna jayayya cewa irin wannan tikitin na iya zurfafa rarrabuwar kawuna na addini, wanda hakan zai haifar da fahimtar cewa an fifita wata kungiya a kan wani. [12] Tikitin tikitin musulmi-Musulmi yakan yi cudanya da siyasar yanki da karfin iko. [13] Bukatar tabbatar da kuri'u a wasu yankuna na iya yin tasiri kan zaben 'yan takarar shugaban kasa. Misali, a zaben 2011, zaben da Shugaba Goodluck Jonathan ya yi na Namadi Sambo a matsayin abokin takararsa, ana ganin wata dabara ce ta jawo hankalin yankunan Arewa da kuma tabbatar da daidaito a yankin. [14]

Jam'iyyun siyasa a Najeriya sun yi amfani da dabarar tura tikitin musulmi da musulmi don samun fa'ida a zaben. Rigimar ta taso ne lokacin da wannan dabarar ta bayyana tana ba da fifikon lissafin siyasa fiye da haɗa kai. Yin amfani da tikitin tikitin musulmi-Musulmi na iya yin tasiri ga fahimtar jama'a da amincewa da tsarin siyasa. Sau da yawa ana shakku ne a lokacin da masu jefa ƙuri'a suka nuna shakku kan gaskiyar jam'iyyun siyasa wajen inganta haɗin kai da haɗin kai. A asali, cece-kucen da ke tattare da tikitin tikitin musulmi da musulmi ya ta’allaka ne a kan yuwuwar sa na kalubalantar hadin kan kasa Najeriya. Bambance-bambancen al'ummar ita ce ƙarfinta, amma ci gaba da yin amfani da irin waɗannan tikitin na iya kawo cikas ga tsarin haɗin kai. [15] Rikicin shari'a kan tikitin musulmi da musulmi, kamar wanda ya biyo bayan zaben shugaban kasa na 2007, ya nuna cece-ku-ce a siyasar zaben Najeriya. [16] [17]

Kafofin watsa labarai suna taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen tsara maganganun jama'a game da tikitin musulmi-Musulmi. Bayan zaben 2015, jaridun Najeriya sun ba da ra'ayoyi daban-daban kan tasirin tikitin ga fagen siyasar kasar. [18] Kungiyoyin farar hula sun himmatu wajen ba da ra'ayin nuna gaskiya da shigar da su cikin harkokin siyasar Najeriya. Sun shirya tarurrukan tarurruka da kamfen don inganta hadin kan kasa da kuma dakile dabarun zaben raba gardama. [19] Alal misali, Ƙungiyar Ƙwararrun Ƙungiyoyi, alal misali, ta yi kira da a haɗa kai a cikin tsarin zabe.

Tikitin tikitin shiga tsakanin musulmi da musulmi ya jawo hankulan kasashen duniya, inda kungiyoyi irinsu kungiyar tarayyar turai suka bayyana bukatar zabe a Najeriya ya zama sahihi da kuma hada kai domin wanzar da zaman lafiyar kasar da martabar duniya. [20] [21] Muhawarar da ake ta tafkawa a kan tikitin takarar musulmi da musulmi ya haifar da kiraye-kirayen a sake fasalin zabe a Najeriya. Masu fafutuka na jayayya cewa ya kamata a yi gyare-gyare a kan batutuwan zaben ‘yan takara, siyasar jam’iyya, da kuma ka’idojin yakin neman zabe don inganta hada kai. [22] Kwamitin sake fasalin zabe na kasa (NERC) ya binciko irin wadannan sauye-sauye. [23]

Matasa masu fafutuka da kungiyoyin jama'a sun kara taka rawa wajen magance tashe-tashen hankula da ke da nasaba da tikitin musulmi da musulmi. Shirye-shiryen da matasa ke jagoranta sun nemi inganta kasa mai hadewa da hadin kan Najeriya ta hanyar bayar da shawarwari da wayar da kan jama'a. [24] Ma’aikatar shari’a ta Najeriya ta taka rawar gani wajen yanke hukunci kan takaddamar zabe da ta taso sakamakon daukar tikitin musulmi da musulmi. [25] Hukunce-hukuncen kotuna a wasu lokuta kan haifar da yanayin siyasar Najeriya, tare da jaddada mahimmancin shari’a mai cin gashin kanta da adalci. [26]

Duba kuma

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Manazarta

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Bayanan kula

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  1. ↑ Umeanolue 2020.
  2. ↑ "Nigeria Amalgamation Document 1914". Daily Trust. 30 August 2020. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  3. ↑ "Coup, counter-coup and the Biafran War – DW – 07/29/2016". dw.com. 29 July 2016. Retrieved 4 March 2024.
  4. ↑ "From the Archives: The forgotten political crisis of 1964 and the coup of 1966". Vanguard News. 17 October 2013. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  5. ↑ Okogba, Emmanuel (6 February 2018). "How Shagari picked Ekwueme as VP (1)". Vanguard News. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  6. ↑ "History of June 12 in Nigeria, how MKO Abiola become symbol of democracy and why e dey important to di Yoruba pipo – BBC News Pidgin". BBC News Pidgin. 11 June 2021. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  7. ↑ "NIGERIAN PROTESTS ERUPT IN VIOLENCE". The New York Times. 6 July 1993. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  8. ↑ Ugo, Chima (17 January 2023). "2023: CNPP wants APC, PDP presidential candidates to withdraw from race". Prime 9ja Online. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  9. ↑ Obadare, Ebenezer (23 June 2022). "APC Runs Into Headwinds as Christian Opposition to Muslim-Muslim Ticket Gains Traction in Nigeria". Council on Foreign Relations. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  10. ↑ Akoni, Olasunkanmi (7 December 2022). "Tinubu". Vanguard News. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  11. ↑ Onapajo 2016.
  12. ↑ Isiaq, Adebiyi & Bakare 2018.
  13. ↑ "Ethnicity, Religion, and Polarization in Nigeria". Wilson Center. 31 August 2022. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
  14. ↑ "Nigeria2015: Jonathan picks Vice President Namadi Sambo as running mate". premiumtimesng.com (in Jamusanci). Retrieved 5 January 2024.
  15. ↑ "Nigeria elections 2015: interim statement by Commonwealth Observer Group". Commonwealth. 30 March 2015. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  16. ↑ Etim, Etim (4 April 2022). "Muslim-Muslim ticket will unravel Buhari's legacy, hurt APC". TheCable. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
  17. ↑ "Nigeria: Presidential Election Marred by Fraud, Violence". Human Rights Watch. 25 April 2007. Retrieved 5 January 2024.
  18. ↑ Cambridge University Press 2019.
  19. ↑ Scholte 2012.
  20. ↑ "NIGERIA 2019" (PDF). EODS.eu. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  21. ↑ "The European Union Election Observation Mission presents its final report". EEAS. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  22. ↑ Igwe, Ignatius (5 October 2023). "Muslim Muslim Ticket Not Best For Nigeria, Atiku Insists". Channels Television. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  23. ↑ Olokor, Friday (29 July 2022). "Don't vote Muslim-Muslim ticket". Punch Newspapers. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  24. ↑ Ugo, Chima (2 December 2022). "Walid Jibrin: APC wants to disunite Nigerians with Muslim/Muslim ticket". Prime 9ja Online. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  25. ↑ Ejekwonyilo, Ameh (30 January 2023). "2023: UN chief tasks Nigerian judiciary on impartial adjudication of electoral cases". Premium Times Nigeria. Retrieved 6 October 2023.
  26. ↑ Iwobi 2004.


  

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