Yaƙin basasar Najeriya
Yaƙin basasar Najeriya (wanda ya fara daga shidda 6 watan Yuli 1967 har zuwa sha biyar 15 ga Janairu 1970), wanda kuma aka fi sani da Yakin Najeriya da Biafra ko yakin Biafra, yakine da aka gwabza tsakanin Najeriya da Jamhuriyar Biyafara, kasa ce mai ballewa wacce ta tabbatar 'yancin kanta daga Najeriya. a shekarar 1967. Janar Yakubu Gowon ne ya jagoranci Najeriya, yayin da Laftanar Kanar Chukwuemeka "Emeka" Odumegwu Ojukwu ya jagoranci kasar Biafra . Biafra dai na wakiltar kishin kasa ne na kabilar Ibo, wadanda shugabancinsu ke ganin ba za su iya zama tare da gwamnatin tarayya karkashin muradun Hausa-Fulani Musulmi na Arewacin Najeriya ba. [1] Rikicin ya samo asali ne daga tashe-tashen hankula na siyasa, tattalin arziki, kabilanci, al'adu da addini wanda ya biyo bayan mayar da Najeriya mulkin mallaka daga Birtaniya a hukumance daga 1960 zuwa 1963. Abubuwan da suka haifar da yakin a 1966 sun hada da juyin mulkin soji, juyin mulki, da kuma masu kyamar Igbo a Arewacin Najeriya . [2] Gudanar da ayyukan hakar mai da ake samun riba a yankin Neja Delta shi ma ya taka muhimmiyar rawa, kuma ya kasance wani bangare na goyon bayan Faransa ga Biafra.
A cikin shekara guda, sojojin gwamnatin Najeriya sun yi wa kasar Biafra kawanya, inda suka kuma kame cibiyoyin mai a gabar teku da kuma birnin Fatakwal . An sanya shingen ne a matsayin manufar da aka yi niyya a lokacin da aka samu tashe-tashen hankula wanda ya haifar da yunwar da fararen hular Biafra ke yi. A cikin shekaru biyu da rabi da aka yi ana yakin, an sami asarar rayukan sojoji kusan dubu dari 100,000 gaba daya, yayin da tsakanin 500,000 zuwa 2 Miliyoyin fararen hula na Biafra sun mutu saboda yunwa.
A tare da Yaƙin Vietnam na lokaci ɗaya, Yaƙin basasar Najeriya na ɗaya daga cikin yaƙe-yaƙe na farko a tarihin ɗan adam da aka tallata ta hanyar talabijin zuwa sassa na duniya. A tsakiyar shekarar 1968, hotunan yaran Biafra masu fama da tamowa da yunwa sun cika kafafen watsa labarai na kasashen Yamma . Halin da masu fafutukar kafa kasar Biafra ke fama da shi ya zama sanadin ci gaba a kasashen ketare, lamarin da ya ba da damar samun karuwar kudade da kuma shaharar kungiyoyi masu zaman kansu na kasa da kasa. Biafra ta sami tallafin jin kai na kasa da kasa daga fararen hula a lokacin tashin jirgin saman Biafra, lamarin da ya karfafa kafa kungiyar likitocin da ba su da iyaka bayan karshen yakin. Birtaniya da Tarayyar Soviet su ne manyan masu goyon bayan gwamnatin Najeriya, yayin da Faransa, Isra'ila (bayan 1968) da wasu kasashe suka goyi bayan Biafra . Matsayin Amurka a hukumance daya ne na tsaka-tsaki, la'akari da Najeriya a matsayin "hakin Biritaniya", amma wasu na fassara hakan akan ƙin amincewa da Biafra da fifita gwamnatin Najeriya.
Fage
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Ɓangaren ƙabilanci
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Ana iya danganta yakin basasa da hadewar turawan mulkin mallaka a shekarar 1914 na Northern protectorate, Lagos Colony da Southern Nigeria protectorate (daga baya aka sake masa suna Gabashin Najeriya ), wanda aka yi niyya don ingantacciyar gwamnati saboda kusancin wadannan guraben .[ana buƙatar hujja] . Duk da haka, canjin bai yi la’akari da bambance-bambancen al’adu da addinan mutanen kowane yanki ba. Gasa don neman iko na siyasa da tattalin arziki ya ta'azzara tarzoma.[3]
Najeriya ta samu 'yancin kai daga kasar Burtaniya a ranar 1 ga Oktoban 1960, da yawan jama'a 45.2 miliyan daya kunshi fiye da 300 kabilu da al'adu daban-daban[ana buƙatar hujja] . Lokacin da Najeriya ta yi mulkin mallaka, manyan kabilun ta uku su ne Igbo, wadanda suka kafa kusan kashi 60-70% na al'ummar Kudu maso Gabas; Hausa-Fulani na Masarautar Sarkin Musulmi, wadanda suka kasance kusan kashi 67% na al'ummar yankin arewacin kasar; da Yarbawa, wadanda suka kasance kusan kashi 75% na al'ummar yankin Kudu maso Yamma. Duk da cewa wadannan kungiyoyi suna da nasu na asali, amma a shekarun 1960, jama’a sun watsu a fadin Najeriya, inda dukkanin kabilun uku suka samu wakilci a manyan biranen kasar.[ana buƙatar hujja] . Lokacin da yakin ya barke a 1967, har yanzu akwai 'yan kabilar Igbo 5,000 a Legas . [4]
Sarakunan gargajiya da Musulmi Hausa-Fulani a Arewa sun kasance mazan jiya da suka hada da sarakuna da suka hada da Sarkin Musulmi. An dauki wannan Sultan a matsayin tushen duk wani iko na siyasa da ikon addini. [5]
Tsarin siyasar Yarbawa a kudu maso yamma, kamar na Hausa-Fulani, shi ma ya kunshi jerin sarakuna, Oba . Sarakunan Yarbawa kuwa, ba su da mulkin kama-karya fiye da na Arewa. Tsarin siyasa da zamantakewa na Yarbawa saboda haka ya ba da damar haɓaka motsi sama, bisa ga abin da aka samu maimakon dukiya da mukami da aka gada.
Siyasa da tattalin arzikin tarayya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Turawan mulkin mallaka sun raba Najeriya gida uku – Arewa, Yamma da Gabas—wani abu ne da ya kara ta’azzara bambance-bambancen da aka samu na tattalin arziki da siyasa da zamantakewa a tsakanin kabilu daban-daban na Najeriya. An raba kasar ta yadda Arewa ta fi yawan al’umma da yawa fiye da sauran yankuna biyu idan aka hade. Har ma a yau yawan jama'a ya kasance babban batu na siyasa a Najeriya. A kan haka ne aka bai wa yankin Arewa mafi yawan kujeru a Majalisar Tarayya da Turawan mulkin mallaka suka kafa. A cikin kowace shiyya guda uku, kabilun da suka fi rinjaye, Hausa-Fulani, Yarbawa, da Igbo, sun kafa jam’iyyun siyasa wadanda duk asalinsu na yanki ne kuma suka dogara da kabilanci : Jam’iyyar NPC ta Arewa; Kungiyar Action a Yamma (AG); da Majalisar Tarayyar Najeriya da Kamaru (NCNC) a Gabas. Duk da cewa wadannan jam’iyyu ba su kasance daya kadai ba ta fuskar kabilanci ko yankinsu, tarwatsewar Nijeriya ya yi sanadin kasancewar wadannan jam’iyyu da farko sun kasance a yanki daya da kabila daya.
Yancin Kai da Jamhuriyar Farko
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Najeriya ta samu ‘yancin kai a ranar 1 ga Oktoba, 1960, sannan Jamhuriyar farko ta kafu a ranar 1 ga Oktoba, 1963. Firayim Minista na farko na Najeriya, Abubakar Tafawa Balewa, dan arewa ne kuma daya daga cikin wadanda suka kafa jam’iyyar Northern People's Congress (NPC). Ya kafa kawance da jam’iyyar National Council of Nigeria and the Cameroons (NCNC) tare da fitaccen dan gwagwarmayar ‘yancin kai, Nnamdi "Zik" Azikiwe, wanda ya zama Gwamna Janar sannan daga baya Shugaban kasa. Jam’iyyar Action Group, wadda ke da tushe a yankin Yarbawa, ita ce babbar jam’iyyar adawa.[6] Ma’aikata sun kara jin haushin karancin albashi da mummunan yanayin aiki, musamman idan suka kwatanta rayuwarsu da irin jin dadin da ’yan siyasa ke yi a birnin Lagos. Yawancin ma’aikata na zaune ne a yankin Lagos, kuma da dama daga cikinsu suna zaune ne a cikin gidajen haya da ke cike da cunkoso da hadari. Ayyukan kungiyoyin kwadago da suka hada da yajin aiki sun karu a shekarar 1963, inda abin ya kai ga babban yajin aiki na kasa baki daya a watan Yuni na 1964. [7]Masu yajin aikin sun ki amsa umarnin komawa aiki, har ma an tarwatsa su a wani lokaci ta hannun ’yan sanda masu yaki da tarzoma. A karshe, ma’aikatan sun samu karin albashi. Wannan yajin aiki ya hada mutane daga kowane yanki da kowane kabila.[8] Tsohon Birgediya Janar H. M. Njoku ya rubuta daga baya cewa babban yajin aikin ya tsananta rashin jituwa sosai tsakanin sojoji da talakawa, tare da sanya matsin lamba kan sojoji su dauki mataki kan gwamnati da jama’a da dama ke kallon a matsayin mai cin hanci da rashawa.[9][10] Zaben shekarar 1964, wanda ya kunshi yakin neman zabe mai tsanani tsawon shekara, ya fito da bambance-bambancen kabila da yankuna fili. Jama’a na cike da kyama ga ’yan siyasa, kuma da dama daga cikin masu yakin neman zabe sun ji tsoron lafiyarsu yayin da suke zagayen kasar. Sojoji sun sha zuwa yankin Tiv, inda suka kashe daruruwan mutane tare da kama dubbai daga cikin mutanen Tiv da ke fafutukar samun ‘yancin cin gashin kai.[11] Rahotanni da dama na magudi sun lalata sahihancin zaben. Mutanen Yammacin Najeriya musamman sun ji haushin rinjayen siyasa da jam’iyyar Northern People's Congress (NPC) ke yi, inda yawancin ’yan takararta suka tsaya takara ba tare da hamayya ba. Rikice-rikice suka bazu a fadin kasar, kuma wasu suka fara tserewa daga Arewa da Yamma, wasu har zuwa ƙasar Dahomey. Bayyanannen rinjaye da Arewa ke da shi a harkokin siyasa, tare da rikice-rikicen da suka bazu a fadin kasar, ya sa wasu bangarori cikin sojoji fara tunanin daukar mataki mai karfi.[12] Baya ga kamfanin Shell-BP, Birtaniya na samun riba mai yawa daga hakar ma’adinai da kasuwanci. Kamfanin United Africa Company mallakin Birtaniya shi kadai ne ke da iko da kashi 41.3% na dukan cinikayyar kasashen waje na Najeriya. Da fitar gangar danyen mai 516,000 a rana, Najeriya ta zama kasa ta goma mafi yawan fitar danyen mai a duniya.
Juyin Mulkin Soja
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]A ranar 15 ga Janairu, 1966, Major Chukuma Kaduna Nzeogwu, Major Emmanuel Ifeajuna, da wasu kananan hafsoshin soji (yawancinsu majors da captains) suka yi yunkurin juyin mulki. Fitattun shugabannin siyasar Arewa guda biyu Firayim Minista Sir Abubakar Tafawa Balewa da Firaministan yankin Arewa, Sir Ahmadu Bello an kashe su a hannun Major Nzeogwu. Haka kuma an kashe matar Sir Ahmadu Bello da wasu hafsoshin soja ‘yan asalin Arewa.[13] Shugaban kasa, Sir Nnamdi Azikiwe, wanda Bafillen Igbo ne, yana hutu mai tsawo a ƙasashen West Indies a lokacin juyin mulkin. Bai dawo gida ba sai kwanaki bayan an kaddamar da juyin mulkin. Ana yawan zargin cewa masu kitsa juyin mulkin ‘yan Igbo ne suka sanar da shi da wasu shugabannin Igbo game da abin da ke shirin faruwa. Baya ga kisan shugabannin siyasa na Arewa, an kuma kashe Firaministan Yammacin Najeriya, Ladoke Akintola, da wasu manyan hafsoshin soja ‘yan kabilar Yarbawa. Wannan juyin mulki da ake kira “Juyin Mulkin Majors Biyar” ana kallonsa a wasu bangarori a matsayin juyin juya hali na gaskiya daya tilo da Najeriya ta taba fuskanta. Wannan shi ne juyin mulki na farko tun bayan kafuwar sabuwar dimokuradiyyar Najeriya ta biyu, wadda ba ta da tsawon rai. Masu juyin mulkin sun ce zargin magudin zabe na daya daga cikin dalilan da suka sa suka dauki matakin. Baya ga kashe fitattun mutane a cikin gwamnati da siyasa, juyin mulkin ya kuma haifar da mutuwar manyan hafsoshin Sojan Tarayyar Najeriya — inda aka kashe hafsoshi bakwai da ke da matsayi sama da Colonel. Daga cikin wadannan bakwai: hudu ‘yan Arewa ne, biyu daga Kudu maso Gabas, daya daga Tsakiyar Najeriya. Daya tilo daga cikinsu ne dan kabilar Igbo. Duk da haka, wasu sassan ’yan Najeriya — musamman daga Arewa da Yammacin ƙasar — da kuma masu sake nazarin tarihihin juyin mulki daga baya, ba su dauki wannan a matsayin juyin juya hali na gaskiya ba. Wasu, yawancinsu daga Gabashin Najeriya, sun yi zargin cewa majors ɗin sun yi ƙoƙarin fito da shugaban jam’iyyar Action Group, Obafemi Awolowo, daga gidan yari domin su nada shi shugaban sabuwar gwamnati. Manufarsu ita ce rusa tsarin mulkin da Arewa ke da rinjaye a kansa, amma ƙoƙarinsu na karɓar mulki bai yi nasara ba. Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi, ɗan kabilar Igbo kuma shugaban sojojin Najeriya a lokacin wanda ya kasance mai biyayya, ne ya dakile ayyukan juyin mulki a Kudancin ƙasar, kuma aka bayyana shi a matsayin shugaban ƙasa a ranar 16 ga Janairu bayan majors ɗin sun mika wuya.
A ƙarshe dai, majors ɗin ba su samu damar cim ma burinsu na siyasa ba. Ko da yake juyin mulkinsu na 15 ga Janairu ya yi nasara wajen karɓar iko a Arewa, ya gaza a Kudu — musamman a yankin sojan Lagos-Ibadan-Abeokuta, inda dakarun da ke biyayya ƙarƙashin jagorancin kwamandan soja Johnson Aguiyi-Ironsi suka ci galaba a kan juyin mulkin. Banda Ifeajuna wanda ya tsere daga ƙasar bayan juyin mulkin ya rushe, sauran majors biyu da suka jagoranci juyin mulkin tare da sauran hafsoshin soja da suka shiga lamarin, daga baya sun miƙa wuya ga rundunar soja masu biyayya ga gwamnati, kuma aka tsare su yayin da binciken gwamnatin tarayya game da juyin mulkin ya fara. Aguyi-Ironsi ya dakatar da kundin tsarin mulki kuma ya rushe majalisar dokoki. Ya soke tsarin gwamnatin tarayya mai cin gashin kai na jihohi, ya kuma rungumi manufofin gwamnatin tsakiya wadda jam’iyyar NCNC ke goyon baya, bisa alama ya yi hakan ne sakamakon tasirin falsafar siyasar NCNC. Duk da haka, ya nada Kanal Hassan Katsina, ɗan sarkin Katsina Usman Nagogo, a matsayin gwamnan yankin Arewa — alamar cewa yana da niyyar ci gaba da aiki tare da wannan bangare. Haka kuma, ya fi bai wa 'yan siyasar Arewa fifiko wajen sake su daga gidan yari (wanda hakan ya ba su damar shiryawa kifar da gwamnatinsa da ke tafe). Aguyi-Ironsi ya ƙi amincewa da tayin taimakon soja daga Birtaniya, amma ya yi alkawarin kare muradun Birtaniya a ƙasar. Aguyi Ironsi ya dakatar da kundin tsarin mulki kuma ya rushe majalisar dokoki. Ya soke tsarin gwamnatin tarayya mai cin gashin kai na jihohi, ya kuma rungumi manufofin gwamnatin tsakiya wadda jam’iyyar NCNC ke goyon baya, bisa alama ya yi hakan ne sakamakon tasirin falsafar siyasar NCNC. Babban
Hotuna
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]-
Tutar Biafra -
Jaridar da ta buga kawo karshen Yaqin Basasa -
Halin da yara da Mutanen kasar Najeriya suka shiga ta dalilin rashin abinci a yakin Basasa -
Shugaba Olu Obasanjo
.jpg)
Manazarta
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- ↑ Empty citation (help)
- ↑ name="auto3">Empty citation (help)
- ↑ ISBN 1-870716-22-1, "Port Harcourt was the last place whose fall led the inhabitants being treated as saboteurs, and so cruelly treated. I went to Igrita shortly after the fall of Port Harcourt and was terribly shocked by the number of bodies being carted into mass graves—bodies of person killed not by bullets but by cruel handling, and not by soldier but by frenzied and ill-motivated civilians," quoting The Struggle for Succession, 1966–1970: A Personal Account of the Nigerian Civil War, Routledge (14 January 2014).
- ↑ Olawoyin, Historical Analysis of Nigeria–Biafra Conflict (1971), pp. 32–33.
- ↑ The Forgotten Victims: Ethnic Minorities in the Nigeria-Biafra War, 1967–1970, African Tree Press (18 February 2007) 978-1592320134 http://encompass.eku.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1017&context=jora "The Nigerian Air Force left their own mark in the minorities' areas. They were accused of indiscriminate bombing of civilian occupied areas. William Norris of the London Sunday Times in an article titled, "Nightmare in Biafra," reported how the high-flying Russian Ilyushin jets dropped bombs in civilian centers in Biafra. He stated that, 'Slowly, but effectively, a reign of terror has been created'."
- ↑ Pierri, "A New Entry into the World Oil Market" (2013), p. 109.
- ↑ Diamond, Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria (1988), chapter 6: "The 1964 General Strike" (pp. 162–189).
- ↑ Nkoku, A Tragedy Without Heroes (1987), p. 4. "The general resentment against a corrupt and stagnant regime continued. The Army as part of the population was not sympathetic to the government. Workers were urging the soldiers, whom they saw guarding the strategic places, to overthrow the government. Some angry workers spat on the troops. / Markets close to Army barracks purposely raised prices of foodstuffs in order to infuriate the troops. ... It was feared that the workers would overthrow the government. They could have very easily done it had they realised their strength and remained united. At the height of the strike, only one platoon – thirty men – was the Army reserve, and it had no transports and no wireless sets. The army was in a state of near mutiny."
- ↑ Diamond, Class, Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria (1988), chapter 7: "The 1964 Federal Election Crisis" (pp. 190–247).
- ↑ Ekwe-Ekwe, The Biafra War (1990), p. 36. "In the middle belt, the Tiv were in open revolt against the NPC government in Kaduna. Well-organised groups of the opposition UMBC attacked opponents, and easily identifiable state officials and institutions, especially those associated with law and order. Scores of police, members of the judiciary and tax officials were killed, while several police posts, courthouses and local government establishments were destroyed during the campaign. Altogether hundreds of civilians died during the emergency, many of whom had been killed by the police during a scorched earth counter-insurgency operation. While the deployment of the military ultimately suppressed the uprising, the political demands for Tiv self-government went unheeded."
- ↑ Ekwe-Ekwe, The Biafra War (1990), pp. 36–40. "A virtual state of civil war prevailed as rival political groups attacked each other, killing, maiming and burning. Thousands of people fled to the neighboring Benin Republic (then called Dahomey) into exile."
- ↑ Ekwe-Ekwe, The Biafra War (1990), p. 40. "There was now a popular and mass opposition to a regime which the majority of the west's electorate felt had been imposed on them by the NPC. / There were also rumblings in the military over the violence in the west, and most importantly the Balwea government's inability to deal with the situation. For quite a while, but particularly since the December 1964 bogus elections, sections of the middle-ranking officer corps had been extremely incensed by the larceny and absolutism of the NPC rule, some of whose features had also affected the military itself in various fundamental ways. The fact that Nigeria appeared to be stuck indefinitely in an NPC, north-dominated political quagmire provided the impetus for the military coup d'état that occurred in the country in January 1966."
- ↑ Alexander Madiebo (1980) The Nigerian Revolution and the Nigerian Civil War; Fourth Dimension Publishers, Enugu.