Eurafrica
 Eurafrica | |
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| Bayanai | |
| Fuskar |
Africa-Europe relations (en)  |
Eurafrica (wani tashar tashar "Turai" da "Afirka") tana nufin ainihin ra'ayin Jamus na haɗin gwiwar dabarun hadin gwiwa tsakanin Afirka da Turai . A cikin shekarun da suka gabata kafin yakin duniya na biyu, masu goyon bayan Jamusawa na haɗin gwiwar Turai sun ba da shawarar hadewar kasashen Afirka a matsayin mataki na farko zuwa Tarayyar Turai.
A matsayin aikin siyasa na gaske, ya taka muhimmiyar rawa a farkon ci gaban Tarayyar Turai [1] amma an manta da shi sosai bayan haka. A cikin mahallin sabunta dabarun EU don Afirka, da kuma cece-kuce game da haɗin gwiwar Tarayyar Turai, kalmar ta shiga cikin farfaɗowa iri-iri a cikin 'yan shekarun nan. [2]
Dubawa
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]An riga an ƙirƙiro kalmar tun ƙarni na sha tara lokacin da yawancin Afirka ke zama wani yanki mai haɗaka na daulolin Turai. Ka'idar ce ta wasu masu fasaha na manufofin tattalin arziki irin su hangen nesa na Atlantropa a cikin 1920s da 1930s (kwatanta aikin Desertec kwanan nan ya kasa). Daga nan sai ta yi niyya ta hade kasashen Afirka da ke samar da albarkatun kasa da Turai. Erich Obst yana daya daga cikin masu yada farfagandar yakin duniya na biyu. [3]
A shekarun 1920s sun ga Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi ya kafa mashahurin motsi na farko don haɗin kan Turai. Ƙungiyarsa ta Paneuropean ta ga haɗin gwiwar Turai ta amfani da yankunan Turai a matsayin "saki" a matsayin muhimmin tushe na ikon Turai don samun ginshiƙi na uku a kan Amurka da Asiya. Imani na Coudenhove-Kalergis yana da alaƙar launin fata yayin da ya yi iƙirarin cewa Eurafrika zai haɗu da manyan al'adun Turai da mahimmancin "na farko" na Afirka don amfanar nahiyoyi biyu.
Luiza Bialasiewicz yana nufin hangen nesa Karl Haushofer na yankin "Turai" a matsayin tushen hangen nesa na Eurafrica a matsayin mafi tsakiyar uku na duniya.
Maganar haɗin gwiwa ta girma daga musayar siyasa da tattalin arziki kawai zuwa ingantaccen dacewa da ke tattare da yanayin motsin rai da jima'i a cikin lokacin tsaka-tsakin.
Tarayyar Afirka ta kasance mafarkin siyasa mai nisa har zuwa karshen yakin duniya na biyu. Bayan haka, ya sami ainihin tasiri na siyasa a matsayin wani ɓangare na ƙarfafawa zuwa haɗin kai na Turai. Idan aka yi la'akari da matsayinta na yanki da na shari'a, tsohuwar ƙasar Faransa Aljeriya ita ce, a cikin 1950s, tushen tushen hangen nesa na Faransa na Eurafrique.
Tunanin Léopold Sédar Senghor game da Eurafrique yana da alaƙa da négritude, wanda ya sanya nasarorin al'adun Afirka, ciki har da yankin kudu da hamadar Sahara, daidai da na Turai kuma ya gan su a matsayin wani ɓangare na al'adu iri ɗaya. Sengors Élégie pour la Reine de Saba, wanda aka buga a cikin Élégies majeures a cikin 1976 yana amfani da labarin Sarauniyar Sheba a matsayin waƙar soyayya da saƙon siyasa. Amfani da Senghor na africanité da négritude da ke da hannu ciki har da Larabawa-Berber Afirka .
Juyin juya halin 1989 a yankin Gabas ya haifar da sauye-sauyen da ba a zata ba, sannan kuma ya ci karo da shi - ko da yake na dan lokaci - sha'awar al'ada ta kusantar hadin gwiwar Turai da Afirka. Dangane da ainihin labarin tushe, babban haɓakar Turai a cikin shekarun baya-bayan nan ya kasance a kan gabas ba ƙetaren Mediterranean ba.
A shekara ta 2009, wata cibiyar nazarin harkokin addinin Kirista ta Kiristanci ta Jamus, Konrad Adenauer Foundation, ta lura da rashin samun daidaito kan batutuwan siyasa da tattalin arziki, ta yi kokarin mai da hankali kan makomar ruhaniya da al'adu na nahiyar Turai maimakon haka.
Bayan yakin duniya na biyu
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Kafuwar OECD a 1948 ya fara hade da mulkin mallaka na Turai.
It is in the interest of the whole free world that the [colonial] territories, which form part of it, should endeavor to speed up and increase the production of scarce material
— OEEC 1951
Majalisar Hague (1948) ta kafa harsashin Majalisar Turai 1949. Mai kama da sanarwar Schuman, wanda ya ba da sunan ci gaban Afirka a matsayin aikin tsakiyar Turai, yana da alaƙa da ma'amala da ƙasashen Turai. Duk da haka, burin mulkin mallaka, musamman na Faransa da Ƙungiyar Faransanci ta rashin lafiya sun kasa yin aiki da kyau tare da gaskiya. Daga karshe Faransa ta gaza wajen maido da mulkin mallaka a Asiya. Yaƙin Dien Bien Phu da ya ɓace da farkon yakin Aljeriya a cikin 1954 ya kasa taimakawa tare da burin Faransa. Kasantuwar manyan kasashen turai masu mulkin mallaka, wato Biritaniya da Faransa, a rikicin Suez a shekara ta 1956, wani babban abin mamaki ne.
Bugu da kari, kasar Belgian Kongo ta sami 'yancin kai a shekara ta 1960. Ƙoƙarin da aka yi a farkon shekarun 1950 na gina " al'ummar Belgo-Congo" tare da shawarar Antoine van Bilsen ko kuma bisa ra'ayin Katolika na gida na Lamiri ɗan Afirka, dukansu ciki har da 'yantar da Kongo a hankali, ya ci tura gaba ɗaya.
Ka'idodin ka'idoji
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]A zamanin tsaka-tsakin Biritaniya, ɗan siyasan farkisanci Oswald Mosley ya ba da shawarar tsarin matsayi na uku game da nahiyar Turai. Ya kafa kungiyar hadin kan kasa, inda ya yi kira da a hade kasashen Turai cikin kungiya daya bisa taken " Turai kasa ". A wani bangare na wannan ya ga bukatar hadewar Turai da Afirka a matsayin tushen ma'adanai, amfanin gona da sabbin filaye don matsugunan Turai. Tunanin Mosley game da nahiyar Turai ya haɗa da tabbatar da mulkin wariyar launin fata a Afirka ta Kudu, amma kuma tare da haɗin gwiwar 'yan Afirka a tsakiya da arewacin Afirka.
Hakazalika, Eurabia, siyasa neologism halitta da marubuci Bat Ye'Or a farkon 2000s yana da'awar wani makirci na Turai, karkashin jagorancin Faransa da Larabawa iko zuwa musulunta da kuma Larabawa Turai, don haka raunana da data kasance al'adu da kuma lalata wani zargin baya jeri da Amurka da Isra'ila. [4]
Matsayin Eurafrique na Faransa a cikin 1950s da 60s
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Bayan yakin Faransa ya ci gaba da ƙoƙarin yin amfani da tsarin haɗin kan Turai a matsayin tushen tasirin mulkin mallaka kuma ya gudanar da daidaita manufofin ci gaban Turai na farko bisa ga manufofin mulkin mallaka.
Har zuwa 1960s, gwamnatocin Faransa sun kasa fahimtar ƙaddamar da mulkin mallaka da kuma samar da dabarun aiki a kai. Aljeriya ba ta kasance wani mulkin mallaka na Faransa a fasaha ba saboda ta ƙunshi Sashen Faransanci guda uku da ke da mazauna kusan miliyan guda na Turai, daga baya pieds-noirs . Faransawa sun yi ƙoƙari su ajiye Aljeriya a cikin sararin nahiyar Turai kuma sun ba da shawara a cikin 1958 manyan zuba jari na kayan more rayuwa ('Constantine Plan') don ci gaba da tattalin arzikin Aljeriya a cikin mulkinsu. Faransa tana sane da cewa Sassan Aljeriya ba su da aiki a ƙarƙashin sharuɗɗan Kasuwancin gama gari kuma sun sami wasu ƙa'idodin keɓancewa a cikin Yarjejeniyar Roma. Haɗin kai na Turai ya jefa Faransa cikin matsin lamba, saboda ta ba da tabbacin alkawurra iri-iri ga Aljeriya a cikin yarjejeniyar Evian amma dole ne ta rage kariya da shingen kasuwanci a lokaci guda.
Bayan cire mulkin mallaka
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Bayan haka, nahiyar Afirka ta taka muhimmiyar rawa wajen kafa tarayyar Turai da yarjejeniyoyin da ke da alaƙa, kamar yadda a taron Yaoundé a 1958 da kuma daga baya.
Yarjejeniyar Roma daga 1957 ta kasance muhimmiyar mahimmanci, kamar yadda Faransa (da Belgium) a yanzu suna shirye su shiga kasuwa mai karfi na Turai bisa yanayin haɗin gwiwa da kuma samar da kudaden Turai don sauran mulkin mallaka. Jamus, Netherlands da Luxemburg sun kasance masu shakku sosai. Ko da yake Jamus ta Yamma ta yi cinikin inganta matsayinta na siyasa - bayan tattaunawa mai tsauri tsakanin Adenauer da de Gaulle - tare da yunƙurin turawan mulkin mallaka na Faransa tare da amincewa da samar da ɗimbin yawa ga Asusun Raya Ƙasashen Turai .
Matsayi a cikin yarjejeniyar kasuwanci da kuma isa ga duniya
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Har yanzu nahiyar Afirka tana da tasiri kan rawar da Turai ke takawa bayan mulkin mallaka, yayin da har yanzu ake tsara makomar dangantakar Turai da Afirka a matsayin "abokin hadin gwiwa bisa dabaru" dangane da sauran yankunan duniya kamar kasar Sin. [5] Har ila yau, nahiyar Afirka na ci gaba da yin tasiri sosai a harkokin kasuwancin Turai da Turai. Tarayyar Afirka ta shafi kasuwancin Turai da kasuwanci da sauran ƙasashe ma.
Dangane da yarjejeniyar kasuwanci da taimakon raya kasa, Yarjejeniyar Lomé (1975) da Yarjejeniyar Cotonou 2000 sun maye gurbin Yaoundé-Convention tun daga lokacin. An tsara yarjejeniyar Lomé (Lomé I-IV) a matsayin sabon tsarin haɗin gwiwa tsakanin Ƙungiyar Tarayyar Turai (EC) da ƙasashe masu tasowa ACP, musamman tsofaffin yankunan Birtaniya, Holland, Belgium da Faransa. Sun ba da mafi yawan kayan aikin gona da ma'adinai na ACP don shiga Turai ba tare da biyan haraji ba, da wasu damar samun dama, bisa tsarin ka'ida na samfuran gasa da noma na Turai, kamar sukari da naman sa. Turawa sun sadaukar da biliyoyin kudi na EC don taimako da saka hannun jari a kasashen ACP.
Gabatar da kasuwar cikin gida a cikin 1992 ya shafi fifikon damar ACP zuwa kasuwannin Turai. Bugu da kari, gwamnatin Amurka ta sa kungiyar ciniki ta duniya ta binciki ko taron Lomé IV ya saba wa ka'idojin WTO. Ma'auni na kariya ga ƙananan manoman ayaba sun yi kama da dangantakar da ta kasance ta mulkin mallaka, game da shigo da Ingila daga Caribbean, Faransa daga sassanta na Guadeloupe da Martinique na ketare da kuma daga tsoffin yankuna, Cote d'Ivoire da Kamaru; Italiya daga Somaliya. Jamus, mafi yawan masu amfani da ita, ta sami dukkan kayayyakinta daga Latin Amurka. [6] A karshe, EU ta yi shawarwari kai tsaye da Amurka ta hanyar WTO don cimma yarjejeniya. Yakin ayaba na da matukar muhimmanci kamar yadda kungiyar WTO ta yanke shawarar adawa da tallafin da kasashen ACP suka ci gajiyar shekaru masu yawa.
Bayan Lomé, an shigar da Yarjejeniyar Cotonou. Ya yi kama da wasu abubuwan ci gaba na ciki. Yana neman yarjejeniyar kasuwanci ta "matukar juna", ma'ana cewa EU tana ba da damar shiga kasuwannin ta kyauta don fitar da ACP, amma kuma dole ne kasashen ACP su ba da damar shiga kasuwannin nasu kyauta don fitar da EU. Yarjejeniyar ta Cotonou ta kuma bukaci samun ginshikin siyasa mai karfi na hadin gwiwar ACP-EU. Cibiyar Fasaha ta Haɗin gwiwar Aikin Noma da Karkara ACP-EU (CTA) tana aiki a cikin tsarin kuma shine "ƙarfafa manufofi da haɓaka iyawar cibiyoyi da damar sarrafa bayanai da sadarwa na ƙungiyoyin ayyukan gona da raya karkara na ACP". Ba duk ƙasashen ACP ba ne suka buɗe kasuwannin su ga samfuran EU bayan 2008. Kasashe mafi ƙanƙanta a Afirka, na iya ci gaba da haɗin gwiwa a ƙarƙashin ko dai shirye-shiryen da aka yi a Lomé ko tsarin " Komai Sai Makamai ".
Rukunin Rukunin Rukunin Rum tare da faɗaɗa Gabas
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]Haƙiƙanin tsarin faɗaɗa ƙungiyar Tarayyar Turai ya fara ne da Inner Six, waɗanda suka kafa Ƙungiyar Coal da Karfe ta Turai a 1952. Tun daga wannan lokacin, membobin EU sun karu zuwa ashirin da bakwai, tare da sabuwar ƙasa memba ita ce Croatia, wacce ta shiga cikin Yuli 2013, mafi girman yankin EU na baya-bayan nan shine shigar da sashen Faransa na ketare Mayotte a cikin 2014. Mafi shaharar raguwar yankuna na EU, da waɗanda suka gabace ta, sune ficewar Algeria a 1962, ficewar Greenland a 1982, da Brexit a 2020.
Haɗin gwiwar Euromediterranean, wanda kuma aka sani da Tsarin Barcelona, an ƙirƙira shi a cikin 1995 a matsayin wani ɓangare na Shugabancin Mutanen Espanya na Majalisar EU, kuma ya ƙare a cikin ƙoƙarin daidaita dangantaka da maƙwabtan Arewacin Afirka da Gabas ta Tsakiya: manufofin Bahar Rum na duniya (1972-1992) da manufofin Rum da aka sabunta (1952-19). Duk da haka, haɓakar makomar Tarayyar Turai har yanzu yana kan gabas, kamar yadda aka bayyana a cikin haɗin gwiwar Gabas .
Nicolas Sarkozy ya yi yunkurin farfado da ra'ayin nahiyar Turai a lokacin yakin neman zaben shugaban kasar Faransa a shekara ta 2007. Sarkozy da farko ya yi ƙoƙari ya ƙirƙira ƙungiyar gamayyar tekun Mediterrenean kwatankwacin Tarayyar Turai tare da yankin shari'a da cibiyoyin gama gari.
While Europe’s future is in the South, Africa’s is in the North. ... I call on all those who can do so to join the Mediterranean Union because it will be the linchpin of Eurafrica, the great dream capable of enthusing the world[7]
An fassara tsarin Sarkozy a matsayin ɗan jin daɗi, kuma babbar dabararsa ta gaza a ƙarshe, saboda rashin sha'awar mahalarta daban-daban waɗanda ake buƙata. Ba da da ewa ba aka mayar da yunkurin zuwa sake fara aiwatar da tsarin Barcelona, kuma an yi watsi da shirin samar da wata kungiya mai cin gashin kanta ta Bahar Rum.
Manazarta
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- ↑ Martin, Guy (1982). "Africa and the Ideology of Eurafrica: Neo-Colonialism or Pan-Africanism?". The Journal of Modern African Studies. 20 (2): 221–238. doi:10.1017/s0022278x00024459. ISSN 0022-278X. S2CID 154251440.
- ↑ "EUR-Lex - r12540 - EN - EUR-Lex". eur-lex.europa.eu.
- ↑ Cite error: Invalid
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- ↑ The EU and Africa, From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa, Editor(s): Adekeye Adebajo, Kaye Whiteman, ISBN 9781868145751 2013
- ↑ M.McQueen, C.Phillips, D.Hallam, A.Swinbank, The Lomé Banana Protocol, in "ACP-EU Trade and Aid Co-operation Post-Lomé IV", 1997 "ACP-EU Trade and Aid Co-operation Post-Lomé IV". Archived from the original on 2011-10-01. Retrieved 2015-05-02.. Charles E. Hanrahan, The U.S.-European Union Banana Dispute, Congressional Research Service, The Library of Congress, United States, 2001. Hans-Peter Werner, Lomé, the WTO, and bananas, in The Courier ACP-EU No. 166, November–December 1997: pages 59-60
- ↑ State visit to Morocco – Speech by M. Nicolas Sarkozy, President of the Republic (excerpts) Archived 2014-04-05 at the Wayback Machine Tangiers, 23 October 2007, French Embassy website
Ƙara karatu
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- Brown, Megan. 2017. A Eurafrican Future: France, Algeria, and the Treaty of Rome, 1951-75. PhD thesis, CUNY.
- Onyefulu, Thomas. 1980. Eurafrica: Neocolonialism or Interdependence. PhD thesis, Florida State University.
Mahaɗa
[gyara sashe | gyara masomin]- Booklaunch The EU and Africa: From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa - Book Launch Archived 2015-06-30 at the Wayback Machine at Chatham house Review – The EU and Africa: From Eurafrique to Afro-Europa and review
- l'aube de la francophonie : Senghor et l'idée d'Eurafrique, Catherine Atlan, Centre d'Etudes des Mondes Africains / université de Provence Cercle Richelieu Senghor de Paris, in French, about Léopold Sédar Senghor vision of Eurafrica